BUDDHISM IN VIET NAM[1]
by 
Chanh Tri MAI THO TRUYEN
One fifth of the Vietnamese population of approximately 
25 million is composed of hill tribes. According to an accurate remark of a 
French observer at least three quarters of the popolation, or 15 million, are 
"lukewarm or warm Buddhists": the reason being that the "Light of Asia" apread 
very early in the country; from the beginning of the second century of the 
Christian era in fact.
In what way did the Doctrine of Buddha come to Viet-Nam? 
How was it spread? What influence has it had on the life and thought of the 
people; on literature and arts? What is the Vietnamese conception of Buddhism 
and how is it put into practice? And what is the present situation? These are 
the questions we shall try to answer to.
But we must first notice one thing; which is that the 
history of Buddhism in Viet-Nam has evolved side by side with the history of the 
country, so that the two are often inextricable. We hope our readers will not 
mind if we sometimes mention both of them together.

Vinh Nghiem Temple in Bac Giang City
 
I. THE INTRODUCTION OF BUDDHISM
Opinions differ as to the exact date of the introduction 
of Buddhism to Viet-Nam but it is most likely to have been in about the year 189 
of Christian era.
It was probably a former Taoist who had become a 
Buddhist, Meou-Po, a Master from You-tcheou, China, who was responsible for 
making known the Buddhist teaching in Viet-Nam. Before him other missionnaries, 
such as Mārajīvaka, Kalyānarūci and K'angseng-houei, had come from China or 
arrived by sea, and had stayed some time in Giao-Châu, cradle of the present 
Viet-Nam. It is hightly likely that they expounded the Doctrine and thus 
prepared the way for Meou-Po.
At this time Viet-Nam was attached to Imperial China, 
interested only in the propagation of Confucianism. Buddhism was barely 
tolerated and only known in its outward form. A few unsignificant efforts were 
made to spread the Doctrine but out of an extremely rich Buddhist literature 
only a few sūtras (discourses) were known in Vhinese translations.
 
II. GROWTH
b) Beginning.
From 544 to 602 Viet-Nam enjoyed a brief period of 
independence, which was favourable to the expansion of Buddhism. But progress 
was still slight and is was not until the third period of Chinese domination 
from 603 to 939 that it really began to get under way. A decisive factor was the 
arrival of two missions. The first in 580 was led by Venerable Vinitaruci, an 
Indian by birth who was later recognized as the first Patriarch of the Zen sect 
in Viet-Nam. The second, in 820, was conducted by Venerable Vô-Ngôn-Thông, who 
founded another separate Zen sect. The country had 20 stupas (shrines) in 
which to house the precious relics, offered, as a diplomatic gift by the Cinese 
Emperor, as well as many temples and some 500 monks, many of whom were famous 
for their grreat knowledge and strict discipline.
b) Pause (939-968)
In 939 Ngô Quyền having expelled the last Chinese 
governor and defeated the Imperial army that was sent against him, declared 
hiself king, thus briging to an end more than a thousand years of foreign 
domination.
But the Ngô dynasty, weakened by internecine conflicts, 
only held the throne for a while. It fell amid the fire and blood of the 
«Rebellion of the Twelve Lords», one of whom, Đinh-bộ-Lĩnh, emerged victorious 
from the struggle and assumed the title of Emperor.
In this period the Buddhisme in VietNam had marked a 
pause but in China, it was submitting under a terrible persecution.
 
c) Prosperity (969-1009).
With the coming to power of Đinh-bộ-Lĩnh, who became a 
protector of Buddhism, began an era of prosperity for the Doctrine, which lasted 
until 1009, during which the religion assumed the charater of a popular belief.
At Phật-Đà monastery lived the monk Ngô-chân-Lưu, who was 
a refined scholar, a talented poet and moreover advanced in the Zen practice of 
meditation. The Emperor having heard good reports of him, invited him to expound 
the Dharma at court and was so satisfied with his teaching that he placed 
him at the head of the Sangha (Community of Buddhist monks), that he had just 
created. A year later the sovereign confered on Ngô-chân-Lưu the honour of 
making him an Imperial Councillor, with the complimentary title Khuông Việt 
(Servant of Việt-Nam), in order to express his appreciation of the latter's 
sound advice on public affairs.
The Lê dynasty succeeded that of the Đinh (980-1909), and 
continued to favour the Sangha, and also to listening to the advice of monks 
like Ngô-Chân-Lưu on political as well as religious matters. It was under this 
dynast that, for the first time, a Vietnamese embassy was sent to China in order 
to bring back a complete collection of the Tripitaka (Buddhist texts).
One particular fact helps to explain the privileged 
position of Buddhism under the Đinh and Lê. Sinse the year 187 people in 
Việt-Nam had been taught to read and write Chinese characters, as a result of 
Chinese domination. But this instruction was limited to a small elite, apart 
from the Buddhist monks who hoped to find in Chinese translations the essence of 
a Doctrine, the purely oral transmission of which seemed to them to be 
insufficient. Cultured men were therefore to be found in the restricted circle 
of monks who were respected throughout the country not only for their spiritual 
attainments but also for their vast learning. To the Vietnamese, as to the 
Chinese of the time, the scholar was highly valued as a man of letters, as well 
perhaps as a poet, moralist, lawyer, astrologer, doctor or palmist: from which 
it can easily be imagined with what veneration the monks, who in the public eyes 
were the repositories of the learning of the Great Masters of China, were 
surrounded.
 
d) Flourishing under the Ly (1010-1225)
The last ruler of the Lê dynasty was a cruel despot. His 
death was the signal for a palace revolt which brought to power Lý-công-Uẩn, one 
of the pricipal mandarins. Pupil of Venerable Cổ Pháp and former disciple of 
Venerable Vạn-Hạnh, Lý-công-Uẩn ascended the throne in 1010, from which date he 
was known as Lý-Thái-Tổ. To the history of Vietnamese Buddhism he has left the 
memory of one of the greatest spiritual figures. Under his rule the progress of 
Buddhism was assured; the prestige of numerous Zen masters, such as Vạn-Hạnh, 
Đa-Bảo and Sùng Phạm, adding particular brilliance to the teaching and practice 
of the Dharma.
Lý-Thái-Tổ died in 1028. His successors, such as 
Lý-Thái-Tôn (1028-1045), who was a most devout Buddhist, proved worthy of the 
examples of devotion that they had been set. Lý-Thái-Tôn is thought to have 
attained satori (insight) while under the instruction of his guru 
(teacher) the Venerable Thiền-Lão of the Vô-Ngôn-Thông sect.
Among the most notable events marking the expansion of 
Buddhism during his reign, the construction on the orders of the Emperor of 95 
temples, accompanied by many ceremonies and an exemption from taxes in 1031, the 
restoration of all images of the Buddha and another fiscal amnesty in 1036 and 
finally the construction of the Diên-Hựu temple, in 1049, must be mentioned. 
This temple was inspired by a dream, in which the Emperor saw himself led to the 
Lotus Palace by the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara, and it explains why he had it 
built in the unusual form of one column in the midst of an artificial lake. This 
historic monument, which was one of the most famous in Hanoi, where it was 
populary known by the name of Chùa Một Cột (the Temple of the single 
column), was the object of vandalism by unknown hands in 1954, shortly before 
French troops withdrew from the capital of the North. Fortunately it was 
possible to restore it with the help of plans kept in the archives of the French 
School of Far Eastern Studies.
Lý-Thánh-Tôn, who succeeded LýThái-Tôn in 1054, was a 
living image of Buddhist compassion. Surrounded as he was by the magnificence of 
court life he nevertheless remembered the unhappy lot of the poor and the 
sufferings of those in prison, especially during the winter. His reign was 
marked by the frequent distribution of food and clothing to poor families and by 
the remission of many prison sentences; in which respect he emulated Asoka, the 
Buddhist Emperor of India of the third century B.C, noted for his social works. 
He died in 1072 but three years before his death, in 1069 to be precise, a 
significant event occurred. At  that time the country was at war with the 
kingdom of Champa, a turbulent neighbour, whose frequent incursions into 
Vietnamese territory caused great alarm. The Emperor returned from an expedition 
against Champa with a number of prisoners of war, whom he offered as slaves to 
the mandarins of his court. It so happened that one of the mandarins was a 
Buddhist monk, who was surprised to find that, during his temporary absence, 
someone had made corrections to his collection of Buddhist writings. A rapid 
inquiry revealed that the corrections were the work of one of the slaves 
presented by the Emperor. When the latter heard of it he sent for the man and 
questioned him closely about the Dharma. The prisoner answered all the questions 
in such a way that everyone marvelled at his learning, and it was in fact 
discovered that he was the Chinese Master Thảo-Đường, who happened to be on a 
preaching tour outside his own country when he was captured. He was at once 
admitted to the Vietnamese Sangha and allowed to the expound the 
Dharma at the Khai-Quốc temple. He attracted many disciples and later 
established a new Zen sect, which still bears his name. The sovereign 
himself was interested in this sect and like his ancestor is thought to have 
attained enlightenment.
Lý-Thánh-Tôn was succeeded by Lý-Nhân-Tôn (1072-1127). 
Confucianism, as we have seen had already been introduced by a previous monarch, 
and now it entered into the intellectual life of the country on the occasion of 
the first competitive examination instituted by Imperial Decree for selecting 
mandarins. But the new movement did not harm Buddhism, which continued to 
prosper under official patronage.Many writings of the time show the profundity 
of contemporary Buddhist thought, represented for example by Venerable Viên 
Chiếu, Ngô Ấn and Khô Đầu. Like Khuông Việt under the Đinh and the Lê, the 
latter filled for a while the important post of Imperial Councillor.
From 1128, until the end of the Lê dynasty in 1225, three 
Emperors were interested in following Zen meditnation and practice. The last 
even became a monk himself, abdicating in favour of his daughter, who in her 
turn transferred her authority to her husband Trần Cảnh, the founder of the Trần 
dynasty.
Throughout Vietnamese history Buddhism was never so 
flourishing as under the Lý dynasty: during eight reigns spread over a total of 
215 years, the religion of Sakyamuni was the only one worshipped and 
honoured. This imperial support was a genuine act of devotion, inspired as much 
by the sublime teachings of the Buddha as by spiritual calibre of the followers 
of the Doctrine.
 
III. DECAY
During the first seventy years of the Trần dynasty, the 
expansion of Buddhism slowed down, though it maintained its importance despite 
the advances made by Confucianism. The founder of the dynasty himself and his 
grandson, crowned in 1278, were held to be even more devout than the Emperors of 
the Lý dynasty. Vietnamese Buddhism is indebted to the former for many favours 
and an unreserved support and also for two treatises, one on meditation and the 
other on the Doctrine in general, both of which are of a high religious and 
literary standard.
His grandson abdicated after a reign of fifteen years, in 
order to retire to a monastery on Mount Yên tử, where he devoted himself to the 
practice of Zen and the instruction of numerous disciples. In North Viet Nam he 
is considered the first of the three patriarchs of the Trúc Lâm (Bamboo Forest) 
sect.
But it seemed that Buddhism had already attained the 
height of its ascendancy. In 1414 Viet Nam again fell under Chinese domination; 
this time for ten years. Under the influence of the Minh dynasty a new 
impetus was given to Confucianism, which produced significant developments in 
philosophy and literature. The influence of Taoism grew also and there was an 
influx of Tibetan Buddhism in its Tantric form. At the same time the Chinese 
governors confiscated all Buddhist books and had Buddhist temples systematically 
destroyed.
Viet-Nam regained its indepedence in 1428 but this did 
not help Buddhism very much. The Emperor Thái Tổ of the later Lê dynasty 
instituted an examination for monks: those who failed had to return to lay life. 
Thirty years later repressive measures were introduced, which interfered with 
the monks and prohibited the construction of new temples. Buddhism retained its 
support among the people as a whole but it lost its original purity and 
degenerated into a mixture of different ideas or syncretism.
Between 1528 and 1802 the struggle for power between the 
lords of Trịnh in the North and the lords of Nguyên in the South favoured the 
creation of new Zen sects, under Chinese masters, and the building of 
temples, as both factions wanted the support of the people, who were profoundly 
attached to Buddhism. The rebuilding of the temples Quỳnh Lâm and Sùng nghiêm, 
ordered by the lord Trịnh Giang in the North, is famous on account of the 
tremendous amount of work involved; 6,000 craftsmen and builders working day and 
night for a whole year.
The lords of Nguyễn in the South showed a similar zeal. 
In 1601 Nguyễn Hoàng ordered the Thiên Mụ temple to be built, which is still to 
be seen at Huế. A pagoda of seven storeys and an exceptionally resonnant bell 
are the pride of this famous temple. Encouraged by Nguyễn Hoàng many Chinese 
monks travelled around the country, expounding the Doctrine, and they were 
responsible for building most of the temples in and near Huế, so that they are 
well remembered.
The Nguyễn restored nationl unity but Buddhism became in 
their hands an instrument for consolidating political power. The monks were 
simply custodians of official temples and had to be on hand to preside at 
ceremonies. The essence of Buddhism was so obscured that there was a general 
slackness in the monasteries and people imagined that the Buddha was a sort of 
god, who would reward them if they gave him presents.
The situation became worse still with the advent of 
French colonisation in the second half of the nineteenth century. For the 
ensuing period of eighty years or so Buddhism was actively menaced by Roman 
Catholicism and was subject to many repressive measures, such as control of the 
monks, necessity to obtain permission to built temples, restrictions on the 
right of the Community to accept gifts and legacies etc. Serious monks therefore 
prefered to live a solitaty life, which left the field open for those who 
indulged in «priestcraft». The latter, who naturally had only their own 
interests at heart, furthered the development of the syncretism already 
mentioned, so that Buddhism in VietNam presented the sorry sight of a religious 
hotch-potch, composed of mysticism, Tantrism, animism and polytheism.
 
IV. MODERN BUDDHISM
Starting in 1920, after the manner of similar events in 
Nationnalist China, a new movement was launched simultaneously in the three main 
regions of Viet Nam: North, Centre and South. The movement aimed at a 
regeneration of Buddhism and even serious obstacles were not able to stop it. 
But it was not until 1931 that the first Association of Buddhist Studies was 
founded at Saigon Similar associations were founded at Huế in 1932 and Hanoi in 
1934.
Each association naturaly had its own programme but, 
composed as they were of both monks and laymen, it was their task to improve 
conditions in the monasteries, tighten up discipline, instruct a new generation 
of monks, who should be both devout and well educated and finally to ensure a 
wide diffusion of the Doctrine in the language of the country and not, as in the 
past, through the medium of Chinese characters. With such aims  in view many 
magazines and translations from the Buddhist Canon, both Theravadin (Southern) 
and Mahayanist (Northern), were published. It is paradoxical that while Zen 
lost its influence it was Amidism that took its place, which it retains at the 
time of writing.
This movement to revive Buddhism met with success and 
there was a change of opinion among the intellectuals, who were disillusioned 
with Western materialism. Many joined the movement and supported it not only 
financially but also with their help in the work of Buddhist instruction. 
Unfortunately the second World War just about put a stop to all these efforts 
but they began again in 1948 when the situation seemed a little clearer. At 
Hanoi the communities of monks broken up by the war were reformed and the 
Buddhist community was reorganized, together with the Association of laymen. A 
year later, thanks to the initiative of Venerable Tố Liên and Trí Hải and the 
strong support of the laity, an orphanage, a school, a printing press and social 
works to help the victims of the war raging in the countryside, were also 
established at Hanoi. Similar reorganization was carried out at Huế. Ruined 
temples in several places were rebuilt or restored; old publications reappeared 
and authors and translators went back to work with energy.
Two year later a new Association of Buddhist Studies came 
into existence at Saigon, to replace the previous one that was no longer active.
On May 6th., 1951, a national Buddhist Congress was held 
at Huế, attended by about fifty monks and laymen. Important resolutions were 
passed, concerning the unification of the three Associations, the reorganisation 
in depth of the Sangha, the standardisation of ceremonies. Buddist instrution 
for adults and the formation of Buddist youth movements. The Congress further 
ratified the support given by Venerable Tố Liên, delegate from the North, to the 
World Fellowship of Buddhists, which came into existence as a result of the 
first World Congress held at Colombo in 1950.
The second World Congress, held at Tokyo in September 
1952, gave to Vietnamese Buddhism, now unified, an opportunity to show its 
vigour. The Singhalese delegation to this Congress were taking a relic of the 
Buddha to Japan, aboard the French steamer «La Marseillaise», which had to stop 
for a day at Saigon. It was decided to accord a devout reception to this relic 
and under the auspices of unified Vietnamese Buddhism 50,000 people, who had 
assembled in less than six days, gave the capital of Vietnam an impressive view 
of faith, devotion and discipline such as had not been sen before.
This peaceful demonstration had happy results. From the 
North to the South a reinvigorated Buddhism, warmly acclaimed, was able to 
broaden its scope and offset the effect of unorthodox sects. Since then social 
works, shools for monks, private schools under Buddhist auspices and youth 
organizations have increased and flourished. Progress was made in making known 
Buddhist thought and it was only the partition of the country into two zones by 
the Geneva Agreement that hindered still more far-reaching results.
 
V. INFLUENCE OF BUDDHISM ON THE LIFE AND THOUGHT OF THE VIETNAMESE.
In theory there are three main religions in Vietnam: 
Taoism, Confucianism and Buddhism; but in fact there is only one, which is an 
amalgam of these three doctrines, each of which represents a particular aspect 
of the whole. This state of affairs makes it difficult, if not impossible, to 
distinguish three separate religious communities among the Vietnamese. There are 
perhaps some people who follow either Taoism or Buddhism but they are in a 
minority. The bulk of the popolation remains unprejudiced and is not interested 
in sectarian distinctions. A Buddhist family for example will visit Taoist 
temples and perform the rites belonging to the Confucian cult of ancestors.
Though this confusion sometimes fosters superstitious 
practices and ignorance it also has its good points and exerts a tolerant 
influence on life and thought.
Many scholars are really products of Buddhism, though 
they do not deny the principles of Confucianism. Even if there is no direct 
borrowing of ideas many Buddhist concepts such as impermanence, karma 
(action), causality, rebirth and earthly sufferings are found in their writings, 
so that there can be little doubt about their common origin.
Buddhism has had a particularly strong effect on morals 
and behaviour. Even uneducated Vietnamese and non-Buddhists fear the results of 
bad actions conceiving them in the symbolism of the «Ten Hells» and this fear 
often makes them avoid such actions, encouraging them instead to be kind. 
Strengthened by the Five Precepts, or basic morality of Buddhism, it is part of 
the reason for the gentle manners, which came to pervade Vietnamese life, thanks 
firstly to the opportunity for happiness out of the ordinary inherent in 
Amidism. Vegeterianism is followed by the laity on specific dates and is the 
standard diet for monks. It has the merit of mitigating the sanguinary instinct 
common to all.
The influece of the three religions is clear in the 
artistic field, where that of Buddhism is predominant. Architecture, painting 
and sculpture are often inspired by two of the key ideas of Buddhism, which are 
Purity and Compassion. The flower of the lotus is a frequent motif and the 
various representations of Avalokiteshvara are greatly venerated, especially by 
women.
 
VI. CONCEPTION AND PRACTICE OF BUDDHISM IN VIET NAM
Though the movement for reform which started in 1920 
achieved good results it is still far from reaching the goal put forward by its 
sponsors.
The efforts of these enthusiasts succeeded to some extent 
in throwing light on the essence of Buddhism and ridding it of certain 
excrescences. Vietnamese Buddhism remains faithful to the Mahayana tradition, of 
which the emphasis is on Compassion, as is well known, represented by the 
Bodhisattva doctrine, based on the exhortation of the Buddha: «Delivered, 
deliver; enlightened, enlighten.» For this reason the supporters of the 
movement, monks and laity alike, continually try and improve their spiritual 
life and translate into action the truths that they have found in the texts. 
They now see ceremonies and moral precepts for what they are: means to attain 
wisdom and peace of mind, but not ends in themselves. They have a clear 
conception of Mahayana symbolism and understand its essence. If they subscribe 
without reservation to the orthodoxy extolled by the Theravadins, who have had a 
group in Saigon for a few years now, they also accept the later works based on 
it by Nagarjuna, Asvaghosa, Vasubandhu and others, as well as Amidism or the 
Pure Land School, which they know to be the form of meditation most easily 
accessible to the majority.
 
VII. PRESENT POSITION OF BUDDHISM
Under this chapter it is dealt with the actual situation 
of Buddhism in VietNam seen from the standpoint of the General Buddhist 
Association of Viet-Nam. This Association, as compared with other coexisting 
groups, is by far the most important, the best organized, the only dynamic and 
also the only one that is officially recognized as being fully qualified to 
represent the millenary Buddhism of the country. For these purposes, it would 
not be necessary to mention further, still it is the only organization that 
reflects faithfully the genuine picture of the Vietnamese Buddhism.
Moreover, it should be noted that the General Buddhist 
Association of Viet-Nam (G.B.A) is a menber of the World Fellowship of Buddhists 
since the foundation of this latter in 1950 at Colombo. It has thus attended 
several international Buddhist conferences and is in good relation with numerous 
Buddhist countries in the world.
Organization.- Under the GBA's authority and 
general direction, are grouped, on the one hand, 3 Sanghas numbering well over 
3.000 monks and about 600 nuns, on the other hand, three communities of 
disciples which branch out their ramification as far as to remote hamlets. The 
figures of adherents to these three legally constituted about 1,000,000, to 
which it shoud be added an important number of no-associate disciples by as much 
as threefold.
The responsibility is assigned as follows: the Sanghas 
are responsible for all spiritual tasks and to the lay communities comes the 
duty of relieving the religious from all material preoccupations.
Propagation of the Dharma.- For the spiritual 
training of both associates and non associates, the propagation of the Dharma 
is organized on a large scale: weekly lectures in Saigon, periodical conferences 
in the provinces with movies utilization of radio – cars equipped with movies 
projectors, wide dissemination of magazines and vernacular pamphlets coming out 
of the GBA's press with a monthly rhythm of 30,000 copies. In addition, special 
courses are open, in Saigon and in its vicinities for commencing, to the 
intention of people who need a higher knowledge of the Doctrine. Activity of 
this kind is also assisted by the presence of numerous libraries provided with 
or without reading rooms.
Formation of cadres.- The foregoing activities 
raised the problem of cadres resulting from the increasing of cadres resulting 
from the increasing number of monastic schools (4 in 1956, 10 in 1962) and the 
creation of a Preaching Corps without mentioning the sending of young monks 
abroad to attend perfection courses (3 at Nava Nalanda Mahavihara, 4 in Japan).
In monastic schools, the educational program is mixed, 
there the students learn canonical texts and the official curriculum as well. 
Many of them are attending or already terminated their high study at the Saigon 
and Hue Universities.
Buddhist Youth.- Lay youths, aged from 8 to 20 
years, are incorporated in a Youth Movement, known under the name of Gia dinh 
Phat tu  (Buddhist Family).
Etablished in 1940, this widespreading Movement aims to 
give these youths a religious education, susceptible to make them, later on, 
fervent buddhists, practitioners, capable of sacrifices for the maintenance and 
expansion of their parents' religion, to become honest citizens and useful to 
the society.
After 23 years of existence, this Movement, benevolently 
conducted by a 3,000 trainer Corps, numbers about 70,000 youngsters and 
unequally dividing into 1.000 groups from the city to the country. One fouth of 
these youngsters attend private, primary and secondary schools established by 
lay associations, and their brilliant success at different examinations began to 
attract the attention of the public.
Social welfare.- Other efforts have been realized 
in the social welfare sphere, for instance the installation of sanitary units 
(clinics, dispensaries, maternities). Among these, the clinic at the Xa loi 
Pagoda, GBA's head-office, is most important, where free medical cares are 
distributed to over 200 poor patients daily. It is conducted by a Doctor, member 
of the Association of Saigon, assisted by two young monks working as nurses and 
five specialists physicians for particular cases.
Two day-nurseries are functioning in Saigon and Dalat, 
where nuns gratuitously take care of the children from workers' families, 
without discrimination of race nor distinction of religion.
Every week on Thursday, a Committee of Dames visit either 
a hospital or a maternity in Saigon to bring comfort and material aid to needy 
patients.
To these social works, which are created, conducted and 
financed by members of lay communities, it should be added the special relief 
works contributed by both rich and poor to the benefit of victims of public 
disasters, more particularly fires which are frequent.
 
◑◐◑
 
This brief statement on modern Buddhism in Viet-Nam shows 
the enormous efforts performed by both religious and laities of a country which 
is practically in war since 1940, to maintain not only their faith but also to 
develop and give it a vitality conformable to the fundamentals of Buddhism: the 
Compassion. This effort is more meritorious especially as it is fulfilled with 
their own means only without any external aid.
The social reformative tendency inspired by all 
activities of the General Buddhist Association is a hilarious initiative. It is 
quite sure that with the return of peace, more encouraging results will be 
obtained to the mightiest glory of Buddha.
 
BUDDHISM'S CONTRIBUTION 
To art, letters and philosophy (in Viet Nam)
 
Buddhism appears to have been introduced in Viet Nam 
towards the end of the second century by way of China, having been preceded by 
Confucianism and Taoism. Four hundred years later, when Viet Nam succeeded in 
freeing itself from Chinese domination, it progressed by leaps and bounds under 
the patronage of the ruling families. Since then, in spite of the antagonism of 
other rival religions, it continued to expand almost uniterruptedly both in 
extent as well as by conviction. During a particular epoch of history, from 968 
to 1414 it was given the status of a State religion. Several emperors of the Ly 
and Tran dynasties even went so far as to practise what they preached: some as 
faithful followers, some as monks proper, having abdicated and chosen the 
monastic way of life. A curious fact, this, and it would indeed be interesting 
to study it without necessarily digressing from the subject of the present 
paper.
Vietnamese Buddhism continues to hold this supremacy in 
our own times, not in public life it is true, but in the hearts of a good 
majority of the people. It is therefore easy to understand how great an 
influence the Dharma of Buddha has had on the VietNamese mind, and the generous 
contribution it has made to the moral and spiritual training of a people whose 
gentleness and simple outlook on life predisposed them to accept the «Religion 
of Compassion.»
The dominant trait in the person of the Great Teacher 
made his teaching known and felt throught the country. The artist, the 
philosopher and the poet of those days imbibed it and many of those of modern 
times still continue to draw their inspiration from it.
An European author, tracing back the history of Chiese 
philosophy[2] 
wrote: «Buddhism was the first foreign influence which had a powerful bearing on 
the evolution of Chinese thought; and the effect of such an influence was to 
rekindle, stimulate and develop to the highest pitch not only the religion but 
also all the other spheres of its civilisation A casual glance, even by one who 
is almost completely unaware of the spiritual world of China, at the plastic 
arts of China shows how completely they stem from the spirit of Buddhism and how 
wonderfully they blossomed forth during the Buddhist period….» Without going too 
deeply into the matter, it can be said that this remark can apply word for word 
to the Vietnamese scheme of things as regards Buddhist influence in VietNam on 
architecture, sculpture and painting. Those examples which have withstood the 
ravager of time and the havoc of war testify to what a degree art developed 
under this benign influence, as also the interesting and profitable research 
work done by archoeologists prior to 1945.
But if in some countries and in cetain respects the 
artist rather than the monks is closer to the community of the faithful in 
interpreting their interests and daily pursuits, a view which is held by 
Professor Paul Mus, in Vietnam it is actually the literateurs on whom this task 
devolves, especially on the poets who are also philosophers of note. That – for 
reasons which are difficult to explain – is because if the Vietnamese is capable 
of expressing his wonder at the form and colour of things, cnanot really be 
deeply stirred except by vibrations of sounds. This tendency makes him an ardent 
lover of the theatre, of music which is not only instrumental or vocal, but of 
words whose music is magic to his ears; in other words, Poetry. Hence we seem to 
have been guided not towards Art but towards Letters which are the true 
repositories of thoughts – and Letters, only, assuming the rarity of literary 
works which are either lacking in philosophical reflections or which contribute 
nothing to the development of moral themes – if one is to know what good Vietnam 
has derived from her seventeen centuries of conversion to Buddhism.
In order to do that it is necessary to go back to the 
sixth century when the monastries both centres for the spread of Buddhism as 
well as schools for training men of letters. There were no public schools and 
besides there were few young men who were keen to study the Chinese characters 
apart from the Buddhist monks who were prompted by a desire to delve deep into 
Chinese translations for the essence of a doctrine which they found wonderful 
but which failed to satisfy them because they were conveyed orally up to then. 
The tradition was passed on from one epoch to another so that between 1010 and 
1225 during the Ly dynasty it was almost impossible to find a poet with more 
than average talent outside the religious circle, all the Masters of Dhyana from 
the famous School of Meditation stemming from the themes developed by these 
poet-monks were generally beyond the comprehension of the general public, the 
work of these monks nevertheless contributed not a little towards raising the 
prestige of Buddhism which had already gained considerable popularity.
The position was reversed at the beginning of the 
fifteeth century. The literary figures who were supporters of Confucianism 
profited by the existing rivalry and supplanted the Buddhists by winning 
imperial trust and favours. This defeat however was but temporaty. The hold of 
Buddhism remaied firmly anchored in the minds and hearts of the people and soon 
became as strong as it had been in earlier times from the birth in China of 
syncretism whose source also gave rise to Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. The 
literary luminaries of Vietnam had perforce to submit to it without unduly 
protesting since after some initial hesitation they firmly admitted, like their 
Chinese predecessors, that the value of a true culture was based on the 
possession of the «three teachings.» The result of this for literature and 
philosophy was to enlarge their sphere of action to say the least.
However, great though the progress was which Buddhism had 
made during the period under review, as regards literature, it fell far short of 
that which was made later in the seventeeth and eighteeth centuries following 
the advent of «Chu-nom» a national calligraphic system which was invented to 
replace the Chinese characters. This was the golden age: authors and speakers 
spoke the same language; the obstacles provided formerly by syntax and foreign 
phonetics having been removed, the translation of thought into speech and 
writing became direct and rapid. This event provided an enormous stimulus to the 
spread of syncretism already referred to which it would be good to study.
It must first of all be remembered that even if there had 
been belief bases on prejudice no religious fanaticism existed either in China 
or in Vietnam to the point of provoking bloodshed as has happened in some 
countries. Furthuer, by seeking to know the adversary better in order the better 
to fight it, the adherents of each camp would have ended by noting existing 
lacunae in their doctrine and at the same time the identity of certain 
apparently contradictory declarations. For example, the Confucianist system 
while stating its belief in an all-powerful heaven, recogises man's personal 
responsibitity. Weak indeed are the nuances between its tenets and the Buddhist
Karma that they cannot be reconciled or brought nearer to each other. 
Besides, Confucianist positivism, whatever one may say, is far too materialistic 
to satisfy the aspirations common to all men, who in the world is there who does 
not want to study the beyond, to lift the veil of «after-death» to question the 
future, and so many other questions to which the Sage's Teachings provide no 
answer. The poets of the old Vietnam were undoubtedly not indifferent to their 
metaphysical preoccupations. That is the explanation which appears most 
plausible to account for the fusion of thoughts of such different origins and 
which from the point of view of application is proof of the widest rationalism 
and very straitlaced logic by attributing to each of these religions, a sphere 
of influence which normally belongs to each. As a general rule, the doctrine of 
Confucius is responsible for governing earthly affairs (organisation and 
administration of the family, society, etc.) and for Buddhism and Taoism 
together to settle problems of a much higher order.
True it is that from the point of view of orthodoxy, such 
a mixture is hardly desirable but viewed from another angle it must be realised 
that it has produced – apart from appeasing the restless spirit – beneficial 
effects on minds and hearts, to say nothing of the fact that it has made it 
possible for the masses to understand the elementary ideas which each of the 
systems in combination needed to spread on their individual behalf.
A detailed study of the poems of the period written in 
«Chu-nom» – prose works were still very rare – will not fail to reveal the 
brighter side of that which unsuspecting persons would be tempted to refer to 
disdainfully as a doctrinal tangle or an unpardonable heresy. A good example of 
this is KIM VAN KIEU, a masterpiece which enjoys unrivalled popularity because 
of its lively musical quality, the beauty of its verse which is incomparable, 
and above all because of its rich treasure-house of thoughts from noble Buddhist 
inspiration. It would be no exaggeration to state that this poem which 
elaborates a theme which is akin to the life of the country, has of itself 
achieved much more than thousands of treatises on morals or philosophy as 
regards the good fight it led for the triumph of goodness, forgiveness, purity 
of thoughts, and loftiness of ideals. Even now a hundred years later and in 
spite of the attractions of modern culture, it still is for some a sort of 
encyclopoedia of the Vietnamese language or a sort of literary Bible, and for 
others a civic and moral code, and finally for the whole world a manual of 
elementary and practical Buddhism. Accepted by all social circles, loved by men 
and women equally, KIM VAN KIEU brought and still brings the light of Salvation 
to all by drawing attention to the inexorable Karma-ist reactions, by extolling 
interior peace promised to «those who root out passion from their lives, by 
putting men on their guard against evil reincarnations if they do evil.» All 
this may seem very commonplace; but what it asks and no more is simple minds for 
whom all religions appear to have been founded.
In Vietnam, Buddhist influence is not limited to the 
realm of Art, Letters and Philosophy. It inspires the theatre, serves as a basis 
for certain good, customs, inspires stories and legends, provides suggestions 
for popular songs and proverbs. If Buddhism is the source at which intellectuals 
quench their thirst it is also the breast which suckles spirits enamoured of 
spirituality; it is in its school of wisdom that passion-troubled spirits 
awaken; it is the Enlightenment of its illustrious founder that Vietnam is 
learning to find herself, to know herself; finally it is under the roofs of her 
monasteries that her devotees meditate devoutly and her unfortunates seek 
consolation.
Because Buddhism is so intimately bound up with the 
Vietnamese citizens, existence and daily life it has become a vital necessity.
It was a forein religion.
It is a national religion.
 
NHỮNG ĐÓNG GÓP CỦA PHẬT GIÁO CHO NỀN: 
MỸ NGHỆ, VĂN CHƯƠNG VÀ TRIẾT HỌC Ở VIỆT NAM
 
Từ Trung Hoa Phật giáo được truyền sang Việt Nam lối cuối 
thế kỷ thứ hai, nghĩa là cách nay trên một ngàn bảy trăm năm, sau Khổng giáo. 
Bốn trăm năm sau, liền khi Việt Nam chấm dứt quyền đô hộ của người Tàu, Phật 
giáo bắt đầu phát triển mạnh, nhờ sức hộ trợ của các quốc vương, và từ đó tiếp 
tục bành trướng không gián đoạn luôn cả về hai mặt rộng và sâu, dầu rằng đã phải 
có một đôi khi gặp sự tranh chấp đố kỵ cũa Khổng giáo và Lão giáo. Trải qua một 
khoảng thời gian lịch sử khá lâu, từ năm 968 đến 1314, Phật giáo còn được nâng 
cao lên đến hàng quốc giáo. Dưới hai triều Lý, Trần, nhiều vua đứng ra nêu gương 
tu hành tinh tấn, thậm chí có vị đã từ ngôi lánh tục, vào núi tham thiền. Chuyện 
nghĩ cũng lạ và giá không bị bắt buộc phải đứng yên trong phạm vi bài thuyết 
trình này, có lẽ tôi đã thử nghiên cứu trường hợp của các vị đạo tâm cao cả này 
và chắc sẽ có nhiều thú vị.
Như đã nói, Phật giáo thời bấy giờ chiếm một địc vị gần 
như độc tôn. Địa vị ấy, đến ngày nay, Phật giáo còn nắm giữ, đành rằng không 
phải công khai như thuở xưa, mà trong thâm tâm của một đa số rất quan trọng. Cứ 
vào đây mà xét thì dễ đoán biết ảnh hưởng của Phật giáo lớn lao như thế nào ở 
trên đất Việt và những gì quí báu mà Phật giáo đã cống hiến cho việc xây dựng 
nền luân lý và đạo đức của một dân tộc hiền hòa, chất phác, hình như sinh ra là 
để nghing đón đạo Từ bi.
Chính dưới nét đậm Từ bi này của con người đức Phật mà 
giáo lý của ngài được người dân Việt hiểu biết và tán thán. Các nghệ sĩ, hiền 
triết, văn nhân thời xưa, không ai là không nhuần thấm đạo Từ bi; đến nay vẫn 
còn đông số người trong ba giới này tiếp tục chịu ảnh hưởng gương xả thân cứu 
đời của Phật tổ.
Một tác giả Tây phương, khi vẽ lại con đường lịch sử của 
nền Triết học Trung hoa, có viết: "Phật giáo là ảnh hưởng ngoại quốc đầu tiên đã 
thúc đẩy mạnh bước tiến triển của dân tộc Trung hoa trên phương diện tâm lý, nhờ 
đó chẳng những tôn giáo mà các ngành khác của nền văn minh trong nước đều được 
phục sinh, vun bón và phát đạt đến cực độ. Bất luận ai, dầu là người chưa từng 
hiểu biết đời sống tinh thần của dân Trung hoa đi nữa, chỉ một liếc mắt qua 
những công trình tuyệt tác của nghề nặn tượng cũng nhận rằng nền mỹ nghệ xứ này 
đã bắt nguồn thâm sâu ở tinh hoa Phật giáo, cho đến nỗi khi Phật giáo đạt đến 
mức tối huy hoàng, thì mỹ nghệ cũng theo đà mà đơm hoa kết quả sum mậu lạ 
thường".1 Chúbng tôi tưởng lời nghiệm xét của tác giả có thể chuyển sang nguyên 
vẹn cho việt Nam, khỏi sửa đổi một điều nào, đối với khoa kiến trúc, điêu khắc 
và hội họa. Những chùa chiền, tranh tượng còn sót sau những tang thương do thời 
gian và chiến tranh gây ra, cũng như những công trình khảo cổ trước năm 1945, 
đều chứng tỏ ảnh hưởng to tát của Phật giáo trong địa hạt này.
Giáo sư Paul Mus cho rằng trongng về một vài phương diện, 
nhà nghệ sĩ thường gần các thiện tín hơn là nhà tu sĩ để diễn đạt những gì họ 
quí chuộng và lo nghĩ hàng ngày. Điều ấy hẳn đã vậy, nhưng ở Việt Nam, vai tuồng 
đó, nhà nghệ sĩ hình như đã nhường lại cho nhà văn sĩ, nhứt là thi sĩ, và những 
thi sĩ này cũng là những bậc triết gia xuất sắc. Sở dĩ như thế là vì dầu biết 
thích ngắm những cái dáng mỹ miều, những màu sắc cân đối, người Việt vẫn chỉ cảm 
xúc thật sự trong những rung động của âm thanh. Tại sao thế? Thật khó mà giải 
thích. Xu hướng đó làm cho người Việt rất mê thích ca nhạc, chẳng những lối nhạc 
của đờn sáo mà thôi, mà còn và nhứt là lối nhạc không kém du dương và uyển 
chuyển của câu thi lời phú. Vì vậy, chúng tôi thiết nghĩ, muốn biết nước Việt đã 
hưởng được những lợi lạc gì sau mười bảy thế kỷ quy y Phật pháp, cần phải hướng 
sự tìm tòi về nẻo văn chương hơn là về nẻo mỹ nghệ. Sách vỡ mới thật là kho tàng 
của tư tưởng. Và cũng không cần moi tìm ở đâu nữa, vì trong Văn chương đã có sẵn 
Triết học, bằng cớ là ít có một áng văn hay nào mà trong đó không lồng một vài 
triết lý hay luân lý.
Đến đây, cần phải đi lùi lại thế kỷ thứ sáu, lúc các am 
tự vừa là những nơi phát huy ánh sáng của đạo Phật, vừa là lò đào tạo các bực 
tao nhân mặc khác. Nên nhớ rằng thời ấy không có trường công, và trong đám thanh 
niên ít người học Nho, ngoại trừ nhà Sư. Camn thấy trong giáo pháp Phật đà có 
những đạo lý cao siêu, huyền diệu, các tu sĩ, bất mãn với lối khẩu truyền, bèn 
cố gắng học Hán tự để tham khảo kinh điển cho đến chỗ tinh vi. Đời này sang đời 
khác đã thành một cái lệ, kịp đến khoảng giữa năm 1010 và 1225, dưới triều nhà 
Lý, ngoài chốn Thiền môn, thật khó mà tìm một thi sĩ có tài. Thiền môn thật, vì 
các văn gia nổi tiếng thời ấy đều là những Thiền sư do các Tổ Thiền tông từ 
Trung hoa sang đào luyện. Tuy sâu xa khó hiểu cho đại chúng, văn phẩm của các 
ngài không vì lẽ đó mà không làm tăng uy thế của Phật giáo lúc ấy đã lan tràn 
gần khắp nơi.
Từ thế kỷ mười lăm, tình thế bị đảo lộn: Nho giáo đã 
thắng Phật giáo và được nhà vua tin dùng, ủng hộ. Tuy thất bại chốn triều trung, 
Phật giáo vẫn sống vững torng tâm hồn của dân chúng đã được mấy trăm năm giáo 
hóa, để rồi nhân phong trào "Tam giáo qui nhứt" ở Tàu mà phục phát một cách mạnh 
mẽ như trước. Các Nho gia hình như cũng nhận chịu phong trào ấy, cho nên sau một 
lúc do dự, đã cùng các bực tiền bối Trung hoa, cho rằng muốn có một thực học, 
cần phải tham bát tam giáo là Nho, Thích, Đạo. Nhờ phong trào ấy, mà phạm vi 
hoạt động của văn chương và triết học được nới rộng ra nhiều.
Những tiến bộ về mặt văn chương trong thời kỳ vừa nói 
thật đáng kể, nhưng chưa quan trọng bằng những kết quả thâu lượm được ở hai thế 
kỷ 17 và 18, sau khi "chữ nôm" được sáng tạo. Còn lúc nào thuận hơn cho việc 
truyền bá tư tưởng? Tác giả và độc giả chúng nói một thứ tiếng, tất cả những trở 
ngại vì âm thanh bất đồng, vì lối nói xuôi ngược do chữ Nho tạo ra, đều bị chữ 
nôm dẹp hết, thành ra sự học hỏi được dễ dàng và mau lẹ hơn một phần nào. Sự 
kiện ấy đã giúp rất nhiều cho công cuộc bành trướng phong trào Tam giáo qui 
nhứt.
Nay xin xét sơ phong trào này. Trước hết nên ghi rằng, 
tuy có sự tin tưởng sai khác giữa ba mối đạo, ở Trung hoa cũng như ở Việt Nam, 
chưa hề có một sự cuồng tín đến đổi gây họa đổ máu như ở một vài nơi trên thế 
giới. Lại nữa, trong khi tìm hiểu giáo lý của đối phương để dễ chiến thắng, mỗi 
đạo có lẽ đã thấy, tuy ngoài có chỗ trái ngược nhau, ba giáo tựu trung vẫn đồng 
trên một căn bản. Thí dụ: Nho giáo tin ở quyền thưởng phạt của Trời, nhưng cũng 
nhìn nhận trách nhiệm của người. Thế thì giữa thuyết này và luật nghiệp báo, sự 
sai khác quá mỏng manh khiến cho đôi bên không thể nào không dung hòa được. Vả 
lại, dầu ai nói gì đi nữa, cái thực dụng chủ nghĩa của Nho giáo quá thiên về vật 
chất cho nên không làm sao thỏa mãn được những khát khao về mặt thiêng liuêng, 
huyền bí là sự khao khát chung của nhân loại. Thật thế, thử hỏi trên thế gian 
này, dân tộc nào không tìm tòi xem biết coi cảnh bên kia thế giới là như thế 
nào, chết rồi sẽ ra sao, tương lai có những gì, v.v.., toàn là những câu hỏi mà 
không sao kiếm được câu trả lời dứt khoát torng giáo lý của họ Khổng. Các văn 
gia thi sĩ của Việt Nam chắc không tránh khỏi những thắc mắc vừakể . Thiết nghĩ 
có giải thích như thế này mới hiểu được nguyên ủy việc xáo trộn những tư tưởng 
rất cách biệt nhau ở chỗ nguồn cội. Đứng về mặt thực hành, phải nhìn nhận rằng 
chủ trương Tam giáo qui nhứt rất là hợp lý, vì bề ngoài là hợp mà bề trong có 
chia, và chia đây chỉ là chia phạm vi hoạt động và ảnh hưởng thế nào cho cân 
xứng với tính cách của mỗi đạo. Đại khái, Nho giáo thì lo về nhân sự, tu tề như 
thế nào để đi đến chỗ trị bịnh, còn Phật giáo và Đạo giáo thì lo giải quyết 
những vấn đề cao siêu hơn.
Đứng về mặt thuần túy mà xét, sự xáo trộn ba đạo như vừa 
nói, thật không phải là một việc đáng mong, nhưng nếu đứng về kết quả mà luận, 
thì thấy rằng nhờ có sự xáo trộn đó mà lòng người dường như bớt xao xuyến lo âu, 
tánh tình phong tục mới được tốt đẹp, chưa kể cái việc giúp cho quảng đại quần 
chúng thâm nhiểm được đôi phần những giáo lý phổ thông mà mỗi đạo cần phải 
truyền bá vì sự lợi ích riêng của chính mình.
Khảo cứu tỉ mỉ được những áng thi ca bằng chữa nôm – 
chúng tôi không nói đến những văn xuôi, vì thời bấy giờ loại văn này rất ít – 
chắc chắn sẽ làm sáng tỏ phương diện lợi lạc của cái mà người bất thức thường 
xem như một món "tả bính lù" hay như một tà giáo khó tha thứ. Ở đây chúng tôi 
xin phép dẫn Truyện Kim Vân Kiều làm thí dụ. Truyện Kiều là một áng văn vần 
tuyệt tác, không tiền khoán hậu, âm thanh tao nhã, thi vận êm đềm, khiến cho 
người đọc dễ cảm, huống chi từng hồi lại còn thêm những ý tứ cao siêu đượm nhuần 
hương từ bi giác ngộ. Thật không quá đáng mà nói rằng, với bao nhiêu nhân tình 
thế thái rất gần với đời sống xã hội thực tế đã được diễn tả thần tình trong đó, 
Truyện Kiều có một hiệu lực bằng cả ngàn sách luân lý hay triết học trong công 
cuộc chiến đấu để đem thắng lợi về cho Từ bi, Hỷ xả, Thanh cao. Ngay đến thời 
bây giờ, dầu xa cách hàng trăm năm và dầu dân trí có hướng về tân học, Truyện 
Kiều vẫn còn được kẻ này xem như một quyễn Việt ngữ bách khoa hay như một kinh 
văn tôn quí, người khác như một khuôn vàng thước ngọc cho việc xử thế tiếp vật. 
Còn đối với tất cả, có thể nói đó là một quyển Phật giáo yếu lược cho hạng sơ cơ 
rất là tiện lợi. Được mọi giai cấp xã hội nồng nhiệt đón tiếp, nam thích mà nữ 
cũng ưa, Truyện Kiều đã đem đến và còn tiếp tục thức tỉnh về luật nghiệp báo 
nghiêm minh, lòng hâm mộ sự an lạc của những tâm hồn vô dục và…. Khuyên bảo mọi 
người phải dè dặt, đừng làm thất nhân tổn đức mà phải chịu tái sanh trong đau 
khổ. Có người sẽ bảo: như thế thì quá tầm thường, chưa phải là Phật giáo. Vâng, 
nhưng những tâm hồn thơ ngây có đòi hỏi nhiều hơn đâu và chính họ mới là những 
người đáng để ý, vì hình như tại có họ mới có tôn giáo…
Trước khi chấm dứt bài thuyết trình ngắn ngủi này, xin 
nói thêm rằng, cho đến ngày nay, Phật giáo vẫn còn là nguồn cảm hứng cho kịch 
giới, nhiều thuần phong mỹ tục đều nhờ Phật giáo mà tồn tại, nhiều truyện xưa 
tích cũ chịu ảnh hưởng đạo Phật còn được người trong xứ ứ thích, nhiều ca dao, 
cách ngôn còn căn cứ tren6 nền tảng Phật giáo. Nếu Phật giáo là nguồn nước để 
giải khát cho hàng trí thức, Phật giáo cũng là giọt sữa để nuôi dưỡng những đạo 
tâm nồng nhiệt, là ngọn đuốc soi đường cho kẻ say mê lạc lối, là bờ giác đề cho 
người đắm đuối quay về. Cửa Thiền là nơi mà các bực tín tâm đến chiêm ngưỡng mà 
cũng là đám vườn xanh giữa bãi sa mạc chờ đón những ai quá khổ vì nóng bức.
Vì thấm nhuần đời sống hằng ngày của dân chúng một cách 
mật thiết như thế, đạo Phật hiện nay đã trở thành một nhu cầu tối yếu cho người 
dân Việt. Trước kia là một đạo của xứ ngoài, Phật giáo nay là một đạo của dân 
tộc.  
  
[1] 
Original Text: Le Bouddhisme au Vietnam (in French, English, 
Vietnamese), published by q groupe of author’s friends, Xa-loi Pagoda, 
Saigon, 1962.
 
[2] 
E.V. zenker, History of Chinese Philosophy, Translated by G. Le 
Page, Payot, Paris, 1932.