Thao - Duong Zen School:
The Zen-Pure Land
Union and Modern
Vietnamese Buddhism
Ven. Thich Thien An
(Note: The Vietnamese names in this essay are written with the VIQR-VietNet
convention)
Before considering the Zen-Pure Land union as introduced to Vietnam through
the Thảo Đường school, let us survey the Vietnamese Buddhist scene from
the Ddinh (969-981) to Trần (1225-1400) dynasties when Buddhism developed
from a national religion to a nationalist religion before merging with aspects
of Taoist and Confucian beliefs characteristic of the unification of the three
religions following the decline of Buddhist influence in the Late Trần dynasty. The beginning of Buddhism as the national
religion of the Vietnamese can be placed as early as the Đinh Bộ Lĩnh
established a Vietnamese Sangha and initiated the practice of appointing
eminent monks to serve as royal advisors on political, religious, and domestic
matters. The Early Lê dynasty (981-1009) continued this policy in addition to providing
Vietnam's Buddhist heritage with a firm basis for development by obtaining from
China the complete Chinese Tripitaka, the collection of Buddhist sacred texts.
During this period of growth and assimilation, Buddhism adjusted itself to
local practices, absorbing diverse areas of belief in the comprehensive goal of
enlightenment for all sentient beings. The teachings of the Buddha flourished
in the land, and, with the coming of the Ly' dynasty (1010-1225), the
Vô-Ngôn-Thông sect was particularly prosperous; the first two kings,
Ly'-Thái-Tổ (ruled 1010-1028), a former disciple of Ty`-Ni-Đa-Lưu-Chi
master Ven. Vạn-Hạnh, and Ly'-Tha'i-Tôn (ruled 1028-1045), a student of Ven.
Thiền Lão, a famous master of the Vô-Ngôn-Thông Zen sect, continued the
practice begun by Đinh-Bộ Lĩnh of appointing learned monks to advisory
positions in the government, thus providing a basis for the merging of
religious and national interests characteristic of the Early Trần dynasty.
The first real propagation of a Buddhist sect occurred under the third king
of Ly', Ly'-Tha'nh-Tôn (ruled 1054-1072), Dharma-successor to Ven.
Thảo-Đường. As first patriarch of the
Thảo-Đường sect,
Ly'-Tha'nh-Tôn was instrumental in establishing the teachings of his master in
Vietnam
and in providing a suitable ecology for the growth of
Thảo-ĐườngZen. The
four successive monarchs of the Ly' were likewise earnest Buddhist patrons;
among them Ly'-Anh-To^n (ruled 1138-1175) and Ly'-Cao-Tôn (ruled 1176-1210)
received the seal-of-mind (V. Tâm-ấn, J. Shin-in) in the
Thảo-Đường
tradition. With emphasis on the merging of loving-kindness (S. karuna) and
insight (S. prajna), the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng sect provided the background material
from which the first monarch of the Tra^`n dynasty, Tra^`n-Tha'i-To^n,
constructed his all-encompassing philosophy of humanism, which was to weave an
important pattern in the Zen of the Tru'c-La^m sect founded by
Tra^`n-Nha^n-To^n in the thirteenth century.
The interval separating King Ly'-Cao-To^n's abdication to accept the
seal-of-mind within the patriarchial tradition of the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng school
from King Tra^`n-Nha^n-To^n's resignation to become a monk and founder of the
Tru'c-La^m school was marked by three significant events acting as a catalyst
phasing the religion of the Ly' dynasty into the national religion, the
comingling of nationalism and religion of the Tra^`n dynasty. These events--the
Mongol invasions of 1257, 1285 and 1287--led to a reassessment of national
character, inner conviction, and ethnic aim culminating in the founding of the
Tru'c-La^m Zen sect. Thus we may say of the Tra^`n dynasty, in
contradistinction to the Ly' dynasty, that Buddhism adapted itself to the
nationalist tendencies of the Vietnamese which were then finding their full
expression under the stimulus to reevaluation provided by the Mongolian threat
of foreign domination; during the Ly' dynasty, however, with which we are
concerned in this chapter, Buddhism captivated the Vietnamese to such extent as
to make the teaching of Sakyamuni the one belief of the entire country. The
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng school, with its practical methods suitable for all to follow
in everyday life, opened the way by which Buddhism penetrated the heart of the
nation and over the years transformed and directed the energies of the
Vietnamese towards the Pure Land.
Speaking of the circumstances leading to the introduction of Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng
Zen during King Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n's reign (1054-1072), Mai-Tho.-Truye^`n writes
in his 'Buddhism in Vietnam'
(p.42): "In 1069, to be precise, a significant event occurred. At that
time the country was at war with the kingdom
of Champa, a turbulent
neighbor, whose frequent incursions into Vietnamese territory caused great
alarm. The Emperor returned from an expedition against Champa with a number of
prisoners of war," among them the Chinese monk Tha?-Ddu+o+`ng (C.
Ts'ao-tang), who had been temporarily in Champa teaching the unified Zen-Pure
Land practice with fellow Chinese Buddhists. On Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n's return to the
palace he assigned Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng to assist Vietnam's Royal Head Monk (V.
Ta(ng-lu.c); one day when this nmonk was out on a visit, according to
historical sources, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng took his Ngu+~-Lu.c, a record of the
teachings of great Buddhist bonzes, and made corrections in the text. After
Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n heard of this he sent for the prisoner to test his
understanding of Buddhism. Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng explained the teachings of numerous
Buddhist tests and answered questions with penetrating insight, thoroughly
convincing the king of his extraordinary abilities. Then, learning of
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's background of study with the Chinese master Tuye^'t-Dda^.u
Minh-Gia'c (C. Hsueh-t'ou Ming-chueh, 980-1052) and of his teaching activities
in Champa at the time of his capture, King Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n admitted him to the
Vietnamese Sangha with the title Quo^'c-Su+ (C. Kuo-shih, J. Kokushi), or
National Teacher, and placed him in charge of teaching Zen practice and
Buddhist philosophy in the royal palace; thereafter Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng stayed at
Khai-Quo^'c temple in the capital city of Tha(ng-Long (now Hanoi). With
Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n as his earnest supporter, the master's fame spread quickly to
the surrounding countryside; hearing of his residence at Khai-Quo^'c, Dharma-seekers
journeyed from both China
and Vietnam
to benefit from his teachings.
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng, one of seventeen Dharma-successors to Tuye^'t-Dda^.u
Minh-Gia'c, advocated the unified practice of Zen and Pure Land
methods for attaining enlightenment. The combined teachings, known as the
doctrine of Ch'an-ching I-chih (Thie^`n Ti.nh Nha^'t Tri'), were accepted and
widely cultivated during the development of Sung (To^'ng)dynasty syncretism, a
movement grounded in the late T'ang (Ddu+o+`ng) dynasty when leaders of
different Buddhist schools found it profitable to join together with their
fellow Buddhists in soliciting the favor of the imperial court. Emphasis
shifted to the harmonious elements under-lying all Buddhist teachings, and,
through the interchange of doctrine and practice, the traditional boundaries
once separating various sects merged with one another as Chinese Buddhism found
a new mode of expression in the philosophy of syncretism. The union of Zen
meditation and Pure
Land avocation, a lasting
result of Sung syncretism, may, at first glance, as Heinrich Dumoulin writes in
'A History of Zen Buddhism' (p.125), "seem especially surprising in view
of the basic difference in structure between the two movements. But here too
the embedding of Zen in Buddhist piety--a piety shich Zen may surpass in
mystical enlightenment but can never fully deny--becomes evident. Moreover,
there is a remarkable psychological similarity between the rhythmic repetition
of the Buddha name in the so-called nien-fo (Jap. Nembutsu) and the intensive
practice of the koan."
The similar goal of meditation and of Buddha's-name-recitation, or mantra as
devotional invocation designed to produce a certain state of mind, and their
connection in the history of Buddhist propagation in China, goes back to the
early days of the introduction of the Dharma. As Buddhism developed in China, by the time of the sixth patriarch
Hui-ne^ng (J. Eno, 638-713), looking into one's own nature to perceive the
Buddha was tantamount to perfecting the mind to reach the Pure Land.
Due to the growth in popularity of Pure
Land teachings,
questioners seeking to understand the nature of faith in Amitabha and the
essence of his Western Heaven frequently approached the patriarch solicting his
opinion. His remarks, as recorded in the Altar Sutra (trans. Lu K'uan Yu, pp.
40-41), present an outlook supported by most enlightened monks within the Ch'an
tradition. According to Hui-ne^ng:
"The deluded man repeats the Buddhas's name to seek rebirth in the
(Western) Paradise but the enlightened man
purifies his own mind (instead). This is why the Buddha said that purification
of mind is simultaneous with purification of the Buddha land. The ignorant man
who does not know clearly about his own nature and ignores the Pure Land
which is within himself, looks to the east and the west. For the enlightened
man, the position in which he may find himself makes no difference. This is why
the Buddha said that happiness existed anywhere one might happen to be. If your
mind is entirely right, the West(ern) Paradise
is near at hand. If your mind is wrong, it will be very difficult to reach it
by (merely) repeating the Buddha's name....If thought after thought and without
interruption you perceive your own nature, and if you are constantly impartial
and straightforward, you will arrive there in a snap of the fingers and will
behold Amitabha Buddha. If you practice the ten good virtues, there will be no
need for you to be reborn there. If you do not get rid of the ten evils, which
Buddha will come and receive you? If you are awakened to the instantaneous
doctrine of the uncreate, you will perceive the Western
Paradise in an instant (ksana). If you are not awakened to it and
if you (only) repeat the Buddha's name to be reborn there, the distance being
so great how can you go there?"
Hui-ne^ng's teachings provided a basis for the subsequent union of Zen and
Pure Land traditions--a union producing a cooperant methodology drawn from the
source of knowledge and inspiration cultivated by each school. One of
Hui-ne^ng's chief disciples, Nan-yueh Huai-jang (Nam Nha.c Hoa`i Nhu+o+.ng, J.
Nangaku Ejo, d.744), did in fact suggest the recitation of Buddha's name to
augment Zen meditation. The important compiler of the basic rules for monastic
living, Pai-chang Huai-hai (Ba' Tru+o+.ng Hoa`i Ha?i, J. Hyakujo Ekai,
720-814), a student of Ma-tsu Tao-i (Ma~ To^? Dda.o Nha^'t, J. Baso Doitsu, D.
788), the famed disciple of Nan-yueh Huai-jang, included in his twenty monastic
principles the method of Buddha's-name-recitation. Contemporaneous with
Pai-chang, a school of practice developed by Hsuan-shih in Szechwan,
claiming descendance from the fifth patriarch Hung-je^n (J. Gunin, 601-675),
advocated meditation on the recitation of Buddha's name. So we see that between
Zen and Pure Land Buddhism, as Heinrich Dumoulin writes in 'The Development of
Chinese Zen' (pp. 36-37), "connecting links had existed for a long time.
The Nembutsu, the devout invocation of Amida Buddha's name, was practiced by
many important adherents of Zen, as for instance Hoji, the Fourth Patriarch of
the branch line of Gozu Zen, by Eno's disciple Nangaku Ejo, and others....Yomyo
Enju of the Hogen Sect, one of the greatest syncretists of Chinese Buddhism,
declared himself emphatically in favor of combining the Nembutsu and Zen (zenjo
icchi). While one who limited himself to Zen practice alone reached the goal
only with difficulty, he who combined Zen with the Nembutsu was certain to
attain enlightenment."
This basic attitude stressing the ease and sureness with which enlightenment
may be won by the practice of both meditation and Buddha's-name-recitation
comes through clearly in the teachings of Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng as presented to his
disciples in his famous 'Warning Statement', a summary of his essential views
containing the most central doctrines of Zen-Pure Land union. In the poem below
introducing his Warning Statement, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng emphasizes giving rise to a
psychological disposition of mind such that the teachings of Buddhism may bring
about their effect. Thus in order to enter the unchanging realm of nirvana, we
prepare for this attainment by realizing the world of samsara as
though-construction, knowing the body as the production of our mind working
through karmic causes, and experiencing the ceaseless change and
unsatisfactoriness of life conditioned by birth and death. Unless consciousness
be set free from these bindings, the force of illusion continues to control the
content of our mind and shape the aspects of our being. Knowing the power of
the samsaric current holding us within its confines, keeping us from purifying
our mind of illusion-creating thought-construction veiling the nature of
reality, Buddha in his compassion comes to teach the doctrine of liberation
from suffering and the means whereby this may be attained.
--Warning Statement--
Regard the world has an air-flower,
Unreal.
See the body as though a vision,
Without basis.
All things change and are not dependable.
Unless you seek the path of purification
You live in illusion for many lives.
Knowing this, Buddha came to the world in compassion,
Using the Way to teach us how to vanquish suffering,
How to cut off desire, release birth and death,
And enter nirvana's unchanging abode.
Before continuing with Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's 'Warning Statement', we may note
briefly that his understanding of Buddha's appearance in the world is upheld by
most followers of the Mahayana, and as detailed in the Lotus Sutra (S.
Saddharmapundarika Sutra), its applicability extends to influence a large area
of basic Mahayana belief. Essentially the Lotus Sutra regards Buddha's
appearance in this sahaloka, our world of birth and death, as the natural
outcome of compassion working through wisdom resulting in fitness of action, or
skillful means (phu+o+ng tie^.n, S. upaya, C. fang-pien, J. hoben), the
inherent way of all Tathagatas who neither come nor go but abide in thusness
(S. tathatva). As stated in the Lotus Sutra (pp. 76-77): "He, the
Tathagata... who has reached the highest perfection in the knowledge of skillful
means, who is most merciful, long-suffering, benevolent, compassionate...
appears in this triple world... in order to deliver from affection, hatred, and
delusion the beings subject to birth, old age, disease, death...."
Thus with the appearance of a Buddha, practice of the Dharma becomes
possible. Acknowledging the variety of available methods, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng
condenses them as follows:
"Though you may practice Buddhism in many ways, in summary there are
three main methods: meditation, contemplation, and Buddha's-name-recitation.
The method of meditation has no definite way to follow and is therefore a
difficult practice. If you do not have an enlightened master or a capable mind,
you may stop midway in your progress or remain mistaken for your entire life. Contemplation
is a very subtle method; without a good teacher or prajna wisdom, complete
enlightenment is hard to attain. Buddha's-name-recitation [V. Nie^.m-Pha^.t] is
a quick and easy method. In all the ages past both intelligent and dull, both
men adn women have been able to practice Nie^.m-Pha^.t. Nobody makes a mistake
with this method because of the applicability of the four types of outlook [V.
Tu+' Lie^.u-gia?n]. Putting worries aside, you may therefore proceed with a
decisive heart."
According to Pure Land tradition as formulated by the Chinese patriarch
T'an- luan (J. Donran, 476-542), Nagarjuna first distinguished between
difficult and easy practice in his Dasabhumivibhasa Sastra (Tha^.p tru. Ti` Ba`
Sa Lua^.n, C. Shih-chu P'i-p'o-sha Lun, J. Fujubibasharon), section five
"On Easy Practice," in which he writes that a practitioner wishing to
quickly reach the stage of no-turning-back should keep the Buddha's name ever
before his mind. In Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's threefold classification, meditation and
contemplation, the ways of the Holy Path schools in contradistinction to the
Pure Land path, come under the heading of difficult practices, while the
Nie^.m-Pha^.t, or way of recitation, is considered the easy way to Buddhahood.
Before discussing Tu+' Lie^.u-gia?n, the four types of outlook formulated by
the founder of the Lin-chi (J. Rinzai) sect in China, and their relation to
Buddha's-name-recitation (V. Nie^.m-Pha^.t), we may note here that as regards
the practice of Buddhism, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's philosophy is one of Ddo^`ng-quy
nhi thu`-ddo^`, a Vietnamese expression meaning "one purpose through
different methods" or "same destination but different
directions." Thu`-ddo^` refers to the Buddhist practices of meditation,
contemplation, and Nie^.m-Pha^.t. Ddo^`ng-quy is to go in one direction with
one aim and for one purpose--that is, to keep the mind at all times on its
goal, inner-realization of the Pure Land. According to Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's
philosophy, meditation, contemplation, and Nie^.m-Pha^.t are all ways within
the one practice of Buddhism for stripping mind of attachment to desire, thus
eliminating self-clinging which obscures the Dharma-eye, preventing attainment
of nirvana and arrival at the other shore, the Pure Land. For achieving this
aim Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng clearly indicates that Buddha's-name-recitation (V.
Nie^.m-Pha^.t) supplemented with the four types of outlook (V. Tu+'
Lie^.u-gia?n) is both an easy and an efficacious practice.
As we turn to the topic of Tu+' Lie^.u-gia?n (C. ssu-liao-chien, J. shi ryoken),
we begin to see the results of combined Zen-Pure Land methods; that is, the
operation of Lin-chi (J. Rinzai) techniques in the form of the four types of
outlook within a practice traditionally ascribed to the Pure Land school, the
Nie^.m-Pha^.t (C. Nien-fo, J. Nembutsu), or recitation of the name of Buddha
Amitabha, a form of mantra practice leading to singlehearted concentration
through which the other-ower finds a channel of expression. Within the workings
of Nie^.m-Pha^.t the four distinctions are self-acting or self-perpetuating in
the sense that an outside agent, such as a Zen master, does not apply them.
They arise of their own through the "power of the other," which may
actually result from concentrated belief and complete faith in the efficacy of
the practice. The four distinctions, listed below are as formulated by Lin-chi,
are central to his methodology of self-realization:
eliminating subject, leaving object
eliminating object, leaving subject
eliminating both, leaving neither
eliminating neither, leaving both
Regarding the applicability of the four distinctions from a more general
viewpoint, "eliminate" can be looked upon as a form of emptying; the
four distinctions themselves can then quite readily be seen as relating to the
first four types of emptiness, or negation, comprising the twenty, sometimes
eighteen, styles of emptiness outlined in the Great Perfection of Wisdom Sutra
(S. Mahaprajnaparamita Sutra, C. Ta-pan-jo Po-lo-mi-to Ching, J.
Daihannyaharamittakyo): emptiness of subject, emptiness of object, emptiness of
both subject and object, and emptiness of emptiness. In Zen methodology,
depending on the astuteness of the master, the particular level or experience
of attainment of the student, and the aptness of circumstance, one sometimes
empties the subject of itself, sometimes the object. Sometimes one empties both
subject and object, sometimes neither, thereby leaving emptiness void of that
emptiness. The third patriarch of Zen Se^ng-ts'an (J. Sosan), writing on this
subject in his "On Having No Doubt in Mind" (Ti'n Ta^m Minh, trans.
Suzuki, Manual, p. 78), declares:
"The two exist because of the One,
But hold not even to this One;
When a mind is not disturbed,
The ten thousand things offer no offense.
No offense offered, and no ten thousand things;
No disturbance going, and no mind set up to work:
The subject is quieted when the object ceases,
The object ceases when the subject is quieted.
The object is an object for the subject,
The subject is a subject for the object:
Know that the relativity of the two
Rests ultimately on one Emptiness."
Within this one emptiness, according to Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng,
"Nie^.m-Pha^.t is to keep your mind on the six syllables Nam-mo^
A-Di-Dda` Pha^.t and not let it move and jump freely about. While practicing Nie^.m-Pha^.t
the eyes look at the image of Buddha, the mouth recites the Buddha's name, and
the ears hear the chanting sounds. When you feel heavy and frustrated, try
harder and keep on without losing a single second. A quiet mind naturally
returns."
With these instructions on Buddha's-name-recitation, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng
introduces Pure Land meditation as cultivated in China where it drew
increasingly for doctrinal support from the teachings of the Dharma-ending-age,
when, because of accumulated evil karma, men would be able to attain
enlightenment only through reliance on Amitabha Buddha's compassionate vow to
save all suffering beings. Holmes Welch remarks of this attitude in The
Practice of Chinese Buddhism (pp. 89-90):
"Since we are living in the age of the decay of the dharma, it is
difficult... to reach nirvana here through our own efforts. Therefore most
Buddhists in China prefer to get the help of Amitabha by reciting his name
(nien-fo). That is, they repeat the words 'homage to the buddha Amitabha' (na-mo
O-mi-t'o-fo) in the belief that if they do so wholeheartedly they will be
reborn in the Western Paradise. 'Wholeheartedly' means making their minds
'whole and still' (i-hsin pu-luan, nha^'t ta^m ba^'t loa.n), so that nothing is
there but Amitabha. He is in their mouths (as they recite his name), in their
ears (as they listen to the recitation), and in their minds (as they visualize
him). This is called 'perfect concentration in reciting buddha's name' (nien-fo
san-mei, nie^.m Pha^.t tam muo^.i). It corresponds to a degree of enlightenment
achieved in the meditation hall."
In Zen-Pure Land practice in Vietnam, as in China, both hua-t'ou (thoa.i
dda^`u, J. wato), which are similar in function to the koan exercise, and
Nie^.m-Pha^.t may be pursued. Describing the actual Chinese practice, identical
in many aspects with Vietnamese ways, Holmes Welch notes, again from his
'Practice of Chinese Buddhism' (pp. 398-399):
"Many monastries carried on the joint practice of Ch'an and Pure Land
(ch'an-ching shuang-hsin, thie^`n ti.nh song ha`nh). This usually meant that
they had both a meditation hall and a hall for reciting the buddha's name. But
there was also a special form of joint practice in one hall.... There seem to
have been eight periods of work a day... and each period was divided into
circumambulation and sitting. While the inmates circumambulated, they recited
Buddha's name aloud. While they sat, they either worked on a Ch'an hua-t'ou or
employed 'buddha's name meditation' (nien-fo kuan, nie^.m Pha^.t qua'n). The
latter included different techniques for people at different stages of
proficiency. Beginners used the technique termed 'reciting buddha's name while
meditating on the buddha image' (kuan-hsiang nien-fo). That is, they would fix
their eyes on the image in the hall. Those further advanced would attempt to
visualize the form of Amitabha with their mind's eye. This was termed 'reciting
buddha's name while meditating on the mental image of the buddha' (kuan-hsing nien-fo). Those furthest advanced strove to avoid
having any buddha to visualize or any ego to do the visualizing. This was
termed 'reciting buddha's name while meditating on the quintessence of the
buddha' (shih-hsiang nien-fo). Explanations were given of both Ch'an and Pure
Land methods.
Abiding of mind in the Pure Land results from continued practice of these
three gradations of method. According to Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng:
"If you continue to practice Nie^.m-Pha^.t, your mind will stay in the
Pure Land; your heart will join with Amitabha Buddha. Without walking a step
the Pure Land appears in front of you; without waiting for a future life the
blessings of the Western Heaven are yours. Why do you tarry in this short,
impermanent life of birth, old age, sickness, and death, rather than reaching
for an unlimited life of permanency, joyfulness, substantiality, and purity? Is
this not happier?"
In this section of his 'Warning Statement' Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng presents the form
which Pure Land doctrine assumed under practical interpretation of the Chinese
mind. Originally based on the Larger Sukhavativyuha Sutra and related at least
in aim with the cult of Maitreya, Pure Land tradition as developed in China
evolved from the idea of a Pure Land in the West where one seeks entrance by
various practices as noted in the Larger Sukhavativyuha Sutra (C. Ta-wu
Liang-shou Ching, J. Daimuyrojukyo), the Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra (C.
O-mi-t'o Ching, J. Amidakyo), and the Amitayurdhyana Sutra (C. Kuan-wu
Liang-shou Ching, J. Kammuryojukyo), to the identification of the Chinese
character for "land" or "realm" with the meaning of
"mind"; hence in the process of Zen-Pure Land union, the Pure Land
came to mean the realm of Pure Mind. Speaking of this transformation of Pure
Land doctrine, Hajime Nakamura notes in 'Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples'
(pp. 253-254) that the authority of the Vimalakirtinirdesa Sutra which teaches
"the pure mind is identical with the Pure Land" provided support for
the growth of "a mind-only doctrine" resulting in the dictum that
"the Pure Land of the pure mind exists in all parts of the world." As
a development of Sung dynasty syncretism, "the Chinese Buddhists
exclusively followed this pure-mind view, and after the Ming dynasty, no
contradiction was felt in practicing simultaneously sitting and the Pure Land
practice."
The Chinese, with their emphasis on the practical value of belief, its
demonstrable validity in the everyday world, gradually shifted the distant or
non-too-distant Pure Land of the Sukhavativyuha Sutra to the immediate
presence-of-mind, a shift creating a rich field of cultivation for Chinese
Buddhists by providing a basis from which the practices of both common man and
monk could grow. Thus when pressed for an explanation of the combination of
seemingly contradictory methodologies in the Zen-Pure Land union, "many
enlightened Chinese Buddhists," as Reginald Johnston writes in his
'Buddhist China' (p.93), "will declare that the Ch'an and Ching-t'u
teachings are not really inconsistent with one another, but that the Ch'an
doctrines are to the educated Buddhist what the Amidist doctrines are to the
ignorant." Shifting the Pure Land from the beyond to the here-and-now, the
beyond within, resulted in recognition of the potentially of all beings to attain
an enlightened state of mind in this very life. The Chinese, like the
Vietnamese, were not overly interested in preparing for something in the
distant future might or might not come about. With a practical bent of mind
already steeped in the this-wordly traditions of Confucianism, they sought the
substantiation of belief through its efficacy in daily life.
In closing his 'Warning Statement' with the gatha below, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng
emphasizes awakening to the original mind of Ch'an, one's own true abode, which
is none other than the Pure Realm, the real native land.
"Three worlds like the burning house,
Eight merit-giving-waters refresh and purify;
To leave this suffering world,
Direct your mind toward Pure Land.
Six syllables Nam-mo^ A-Di-Dda`-Pha^.t form the links
Returning mind's natural, unmoving condition;
Amitabha Buddha dwells not in seclusion;
The wise man wakes to this realization.
84,000 wonderous Buddha-shapes
Derive no form outside of mind;
Don't hesitate or wait!
The Pure Land's truly your native land."
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's verse contains principles and teachings recognized by
almost all Buddhist sects, and here we might do well to dwell momentarily on
the background tradition from which he draws his gatha. The three worlds or
realms (tam gio+'i, S. traidhatuka or trailokya) with which he opens his gatha
refer in Buddhism's cosmology of mind to the world of sensuous desire (du.c
gio+'i, S. kamadhatu) including the six heavens of desire, the human world, and
the hells where existence is characterized by desires deriving from six and
appetite; the world of form (sa('c gio+'i, S. rupadhatu) inclusive of the four
dhyana heavens and located above kamadhatu; and the formless world (vo^ sa('c
gio+'i, S. arupadhatu) of pure spirit comprising the four attainments beyond
form (S. arupyasamapatti). All such realms are generally considered indications
of various states of consciousness; according to the Lankavatara Sutra (pp.
145,75), for example, "The triple world is no more than thought-
construction (prajnapti), there is no reality in its self-nature." And,
"The being and nonbeing of things subject to causation has no reality; the
triple world owes its existence to the Mind put into confusion by reason of
habit-energy."
Thus in the authoritative text of early Zen Buddhism the triple world
appears as none other than mind disturbed by the permeating and dwelling nature
of vasana, or "habit-energy" (C. hsi-chi) according to Chinese
translation; as put concisely in the Avatamsaka Sutra (C. Hua-yen Ching, J.
Kegonkyo): "The three worlds are only Mind." (S. Svacittamatram
traidhatukam). That mind is the foundation of both samsara and nirvana, and
that samsara is but the obscured function of mind confused by habit-energy (S.
vasana) and solidified by wrong views (S. vikalpa, C. fe^n-pieh, J. fumbetsu),
while nirvana is mind's original nature undisturbed by the structural elements
of samsara, the nature of which is like a house eternally devoured by flames,
is a basic outlook of Mahayana Buddhists symbolized in part through the parable
of the burning house contained in the Lotus Sutra. Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's gatha
contrasts the burning house of samsara with nirvana's Pure Land where eight
waters of good qualities extinguish the flames of the passions. To pass beyond
the misery of the triple world Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng teaches in accordance with the
Larger Sukhavativyuha Sutra, and as provided for in the sixteen meditations
comprising the Amitayurdhyana Sutra, to form a firm thought of the Pure Land in
order to lead mind to its realization.
The desire to see the Pure Land, made possible by the grace or power of
Buddha's vows (S. pranidhana, adhis-thana), but initiated in action by the
stirring of self-nature in search of its own fulfillment, is one of the deepest
perceptions of human consciousness, and one in which the other-power of
Buddha's compassion to save us and the self-power of our own determination to
attain enlightenment merge in the One Mind of neither self nor other, the
fourth outlook of Lin-chi's distinctions (V. Tu+' Lie^.u-gia?n). As presented
in the Amitayurdhyana Sutra (p.169), by the power of Buddha and his vows we may
see the Pure Land, but only if we direct our mind to that realm and make it
"our only aim, with concentrated thought, to get a perception of the western
quarter." And so in Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's gatha he points out "to leave
samsara behind, send your thought to Pure Land."
The concentration of mind necessary to achieve this aim in Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's
school is accomplished through the efficacy of mantra meditation, or
concentration on the name of Amitabha Buddha, which, as taught in the
Amitayurdhyana Sutra, is the way to sever the bonds of samsara and, as
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng says, "return mind to its original, unmoving
condition." In the Smaller Sukhavativyuha Sutra (p.99), meditation on the
name of Amitabha is held up as the way even to the exclusion of the performance
of good deeds. No stock of merit amassed in this life leads to birth in the
Pure Land, in contradistinction to the teaching of the Larger Sukhavativyuha
Sutra (p.15), but rather,
"whatever son or daughter of a family shall hear the name of the
blessed Amitayus, the Tathagata, and having heard it, shall keep it in
mind...then that Amitayus, the Tathagata, surrounded by an assembly of
disciples and followed by a host of Bodhisattvas, will stand before them at the
hour of death, and they will depart this life with tranquil minds. After their
death they will be born in the world Sukhavati, in the Buddha country of the
same Amitayus, the Tathagata."
That Amitabha Buddha does not dwell in seclusion as Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng teaches
in his gatha is indicated in the Amitayurdhyana Sutra which provides for this
realization through various visualization exercises leading to the clear
perception that 84,000 shapes of Buddha have no substance outside of mind; the
three Pure Land practices of visualizing the form of Amitabha Buddha while
meditating on the essence of the name likewise lead to an undeniable experience
of the emptiness of all form as perceived by mind--that is, its emptiness apart
from the content or substrate of mind. As stated in the Amitayurdhyana Sutra
(pp.177-178):
"When you have perceived this, you should next perceive Buddha himself.
Do you ask how? Every Buddha Tathagata is one whose (spiritual) body is the
principle of nature (Dharma-dhatu-kaya), so that he may enter into the mind of
any beings. Consequently, when you have perceived Buddha, it is indeed that
mind of yours that possesses those thirty-two signs of perfection and eighty
minor marks of excellence (which you see in Buddha). In fine, it is your mind
that becomes Buddha, nay, it is your mind that is indeed Buddha. The ocean of
true and universal knowledge of all the Buddhas derives its source from one's
own mind and thought. Therefore you should apply your thought with an undivided
attention to a careful meditation on that Buddha Tathagata, Arhat, the Holy and
Fully Enlightened One."
And, as put concisely in Lu K'uan Yu's translation of this same sutra
(p.93): "When the mind is set on thinking of (that) Buddha, it is
identical...because Mind realizes Buddhahood; Mind is Buddha...."
"Therefore," says Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng, "what are you waiting for?
This Pure Land--you've been there before."
We find in Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's 'Warning Statement' a unification of the
practices of the Zen and Pure Land schools of Buddhism and a fusing of the
concepts of self-power and other-power which, up to the time of the Sung
dynasty, had served to distinguish meditation as the way of self-power and
Buddha's-name-recitation as the way of other-power, an outlook preserved today
in Japanese Buddhism in contrast to Chinese and Vietnamese Buddhism.
Approaching the subject of self-power and other-power in terms of prajna and
karuna, the foundations supporting Mahayana Buddhist practices, D.T. Suzuki
writes in 'The Essence of Buddhism' (pp.46,76):
"There are two pillars supporting the great edifice of Buddhism: the
Daichi (tai-chi), Mahaprajna, the Great Wisdom, and the Daihi (tai-pei),
Mahakaruna, the Great Compassion. The wisdom flows from the Compassion and the
Compassion from the Wisdom, for the two are in fact one, though from the human
point of view we have to speak of them as two....In Japanese Buddhism, Zen
represents the Prajna phase of the Mahayana, and the Pure Land school claims
the Karuna."
In Vietnamese Buddhism, with its emphasis on syncretism, these two pillars
are one in practice; the prajna phase of Zen and the karuna aspect of the Pure
Land, joined in the Zen-Pure Land union originally introduced to the country by
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng, support the framework of modern Vietnamese Buddhism. Though
appearing somewhat antithetical, Zen and Pure Land Dharma-doors ultimately open
on the same goal; approached from this standpoint, various fluctuations in
methodology are of small concern, for as Holmes Welch notes in 'The Practice of
Chinese Buddhism' (pp.399-400):
"Regardless of contradictory details, the main principles of the joint
practice of Ch'an and Pure Land seem clear enough. In both sevts the goal was
to reduce attachment to ego. The Pure Land method of "no stirrings in the
whole mind" (i-hsin pu luan) did not differ essentially from the Ch'an
method of "meditating to the point of perfect concentration"
(ch'an-ting). Pure Land speaks of getting the help of another, that is,
Amitabha, to reach the Western Paradise, while Ch'an asserts that one must
depend on oneself to reach enlightenment. But, as the abbot of Chin Shan
remarked, "Who is going to help you stop your whole mind from stirring?
You have to do it yourself." A lay informant said he had been told by
Hsu-yun that "all the buddhas in every universe, past, present, and
future, preach the same dharma. There is no real difference between the methods
advocated by Sakyamuni and Amitabha...." The methods of the two sects are
connected in many ways. For example, the hua-t'ou most often used in orthodox
Ch'an meditation halls directly involved Pure Land practice, for how could one
ask "Who is this reciting buddha's name?" unless one had been
reciting it?...Many monks told me that they regarded Ch'an and Pure Land as
complements essential to one another. "Pure Land without Ch'an cannot be
depended upon (k'ao-pu-chu). Ch'an without Pure Land has no 'principle' (mei-yu
chu)."
Even the distinctions "Ch'an" and "Pure Land" vanish in Vietnamese
Buddhism where all ways are Buddha-ways and are one in the communal quest of
enlightenment through Thie^`n-Ti.nh Nha^'t-tri' (C. Ch'an-ching I-chih, J.
Zenjo itchi), the unification of meditation and recitation. In the Vietnamese
view, if we practice Nie^.m-Pha^.t with mouth calling Buddha's name, eyes
seeing Buddha's form, ears hearing Nam-mo^ A-Di-Dda`-Pha^.t until the Pure Land
appears in front of us and we realize 84,000 wondrous Buddha-shapes are not
outside of mind, then what real difference is there with the Zen aim of
meditating until Mind, Buddha, and sentient beings are not three separate
things or until realizing one is all, all things are one, samsara is nirvana,
and passions are Bodhi? The fusion of Zen and Pure Land systems, of no-mind and
one-mind in the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng school, is the significant junction of the
loving-kindness (S. karuna) and wisdom (S. prajna) of Buddha and his teachings.
According to Vietnamese Buddhists, when karuna (V. Tu+`-bi) and prajna (V.
Tri'-hue^.) are united there is no difference between Zen and Pure Land,
between self-power and other-power; instead there is oneness and togetherness
within the Karuna-Prajna MInd which is indeed the meeting place of all sects in
Buddhism. This unified philosophy of Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng was keenly attuned to the
character and aspirations of the Vietnamese people; having inherited the
various teachings of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism with their accompanying
cultural traditions, the Vietnamese ever sought to consolidate these traditions
into a spiritual rationale or ethical mean consonant with their own cultural
background and indegenous beliefs. Since Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's philosophy of
syncretism was so suited to this purpose, dignitaries of high position, kings,
and officials of the imperial court, as well as the Vietnamese people, accepted
it with their earnest heart. King Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n, as mentioned previously,
when once aware of Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's position as a distinguished Chinese Zen
master, gave him his full support, openly praising his philosophy and concept
of practice. As Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng's first disciple the king was instrumental in
creating and spreading the doctrine of this third Zen school in Vietnam;
Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n was not just a Buddhist patron in word, but in deed as well.
Many instances of his kindness and benevolence are recorded in Vietnamese
history, and stories such as the ones below are familiar to Vietnamese
Buddhists.
According to historical sources King Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n was a most sincere
Buddhist, incomparable in devotion and compassion. During the winter months his
thoughts often dwelt on the suffering of the prisoners and poor people. Calling
his attendant one bitter-cold day the king lamented, "Here I am in the
palace--warm clothes and shelter--yet still I feel cold. What of those in our
prison cells who don't have enough to eat or enough to wear? How they must
suffer from cold and hunger! And what of those suspects who have yet to be
questioned--are we to assume them guilty and treat them like criminals? They
could suffer unjustly merely waiting for interrogation which would be most
pitiful. Surely we must do something about all this." The king then
ordered sufficient clothing, bedding, and food for all prisoners and suspects
being detained by the state.
A sceond frequently related incident concerns the time Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n's
daughter Princess Ddo^.ng-Thie^n attended a Thie^n-Kha'nh court session over
which the king presided. After issuing his judgment on a particular case before
the court he turned to his board of jurors and said, "Today my daughter is
here, Princess Ddo^.ng-Thie^n. Though I love my peoples as I love my daughter,
when they break laws they must be punished. Nonetheless I feel deeply for them;
from now on we must mitigate every penalty."
Due to Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n's dedication in realizing the Bodhisattva ideal and
his insight acquired through continual practice of both meditation and
recitation, Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng transmitted the seal-of-mind (V. Ta^m-a^'n, J.
Shin-in) to him, thus establishing the king as the first patriarch of the
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng Zen school. Ly'-Nha^n-To^n (ruled 1072-1127), Ly'-Tha^`n-To^n
(ruled 1128-1138), Ly'-Anh-To^n (ruled 1138-1175), and Ly'-Cao-To^n (ruled
1176-1210), the four successive monarchs who brought the prosperous Ly' dynasty
to a close, all emulated Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n in their patronage and study of
Buddhism. They frequently arranged for esteemed masters to teach meditation and
Buddhist doctrine in the imperial palace, honored them with the positions of
national teachers, and sought their advice concerning administration of
internal and foreign affairs. Among these later Buddhist kings, Ly'-Anh-To^n
and Ly'-Cao-To^n were most successful in their religious life, receiving the
seal-of-mind and transfer of patriarchal authority in the tradition of
Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng Zen.
Following Ly'-Tha^`n-To^n's death, Ly'-Anh-To^n (Prince Thie^n-To^., ruled
1138-1175) succeeded to the throne, where he studied meditation and recitation
with Ven. Kho^ng-Lo^., sixth patriarch in the second generation of the Tha?o-
Ddu+o+`ng school, from whom he received the seal-of-mind. Ly'-Anh-To^n
supported other Buddhist sects as well as his own; during his reign Buddhism
prospered in the country under many enlightened monks such as Venerables Tri'-Thuye^`n,
Am-Tri', Ba?o-Gia'm, and Vie^n-Tho^ng. In 1144, though his own disposition of
mind lay with the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng teachings, Ly'-Anh-To^n chose to name Ven.
Vie^n-Tho^ng, a famed master of the Ty`-Ni-Dda-Lu+u-Chi Zen sect, as national
teacher. The king ever urged people to expand their educational horizons by
becoming aware of their diverse cultural background and the significance of the
teachings of the three religions; in 1169 in order to stimulate study he opened
an examination based on the doctrines of Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism as
a means of selecting government officials. Speaking of these educational
reforms and noting commercial advancements made during Ly'-Anh-To^n's reign,
Professor Howard Sosis writes in his "Introductory Notes on the Meditation
Sects of Buddhism in Ancient Vietnam" (p.19, n.188): "Under the rule
of this Emperor commercial relations were made with China, Java, and Thailand
in precious metal and jewels, elephants for warfare, rhinoceros horns, silk and
brocades.... This ruler was also to open schools in religious instruction in
the three major religions in the land: Buddhism, Confucianism, and
Taoism."
The last monarch of the Ly' dynasty, Ly'-Anh-To^n's son Prince Long-Ca'n
(ruled as King Ly'-Cao-To^n 1176-1210), inherited the throne at the age of
three, but national affairs ran well due to the guidance of mandarin supervisor
To^-Hie^'n-Tha`nh. As Prince Long-Ca'n grew older he evinced the same
earnestness in pursuing Buddhist studies as did preceding kings of Ly'; he practiced
meditation and recitation with Ven. Tru+o+ng-Tam-Ta.ng of the fourth generation
of the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng sect and upon receiving his master's seal-of-mind became
the sixteenth patriarch in Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng tradition. After coming of age and
assuming actual control of the government, he received the name of King
Ly'-Cao-To^n; in this position he continued his father's work, propagating
Buddhism in the country and sincerely practicing both Zen and Nie^.m-Pha^.t.
Ly'-Cao-To^n belonged to the fifth and last generation of the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng
school. Subsequent history does not mention the names and biographies of any
other successors.
Generally speaking, Buddhism, especially the Ty`-Ni-Dda-Lu+u-Chi, Vo^-Ngo^n-
Tho^ng, and Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng Zen sects, flourished during the Ly' dynasty due to
the generous support and sincere interest of the Ly' monarchs and their
officials whose practice of the Buddhist way influenced the people to join
their hearts and minds with the teaching of Buddha. The Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng sect, having
a number of kings among its patriarchs, was most prosperous during this period
of Vietnamese history and, as we see from the following lineage of the school,
various eminent monks and outstanding laymen as well as these monarchs
contributed to the extension of Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng tradition through five
generations and eighteen patriarchs, spanning the years from Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n
(1054) to Ly'-Cao-To^n (1210).
Lineage of the Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng Zen School
Founding Patriarch: Ven. Tha?o-Ddu+o+`ng (d. eleventh century)
First Generation:
1. King Ly'-Tha'nh-To^n (ruled 1054-1072)
2. Ven. Ba't-Nha~
3. Layman Ngo^-Xa'
Second Generation:
4. Prince Ngo^-I'ch
5. Ven. Thie^.u-Minh or Hoa`ng-Minh
6. Ven. Kho^ng-Lo^.
7. Ven. Ddi.nh-Gia'c or Gia'c-Ha?i
Third Generation:
8. Layman Ddo^~-Vu~
9. Ven. Pha.m-Am
10. King Ly'-Anh-To^n (ruled 1138-1175)
11. Ven. Ddo^~-Ddo^
Fourth Generation:
12. Ven. Tru+o+ng-Tam-Ta.ng
13. Ven. Cha^n-Huye^`n
14. Layman Ddo^~-Thu+o+`ng
Fifth Generation:
15. Ven. Ha?i-Ti.nh
16. King Ly'-Cao-To^n (ruled 1176-1210)
17. Layman Nguye^~n-Thu+'c
18. Layman Pha.m-Phu.ng-Ngu+.
oOo
Source: Thich Thien An, 1975. "Buddhism & Zen in Vietnam, in
relation to the Development of Buddhism in Asia", Chapter 4, published by
Charles E. Tuttle, ISBN 0-8048 1144-X, edited by Carol Smith.