All the Ly Kings venerated Buddhism. Ly Thai Tong belonged to the seventh generation of the Wu Yantong sect. Ly Thanh Tong belonged to the first generation of Thao Duong sect, Ly Anh Tong belonged to the third generation, and Ly Cao Tong to the fifth generation of the same sect. And Ly Hue Tong, after abdicating to princess Chieu Hoang, took the Buddhist name, Hue Quang, and entered the monkhood.

When a king follows Buddhist practices, it is natural that the whole royal bureaucratic strata do the same, a point brought out in the Linh Xung pagoda stele erected in 1126: "The high ranking dignitary Ly Thuong Kiet, although committed to solving worldly problems, venerated Buddhism. Was this due to the fact that the King and his mother patronized a Buddhist cult? Perhaps high ranking dignitaries were merely obeying royal orders in their support of Buddhism."1 According to Thien Uyen Tap Anh, it appears that royal bureaucrats vied with each other to curry favor with monks. The capital’s tutelary governor Nguyen (or Ly?) Tuan reportedly respected the virtues and reputation of monk Dinh Huong such that the monk was invited to reside at the Cam Ung pagoda.2

The bonze superior Cuu Chi received three personal visas from the King Thai Tong. The King’s advisor Luong Nham Van was known to hold great respect towards him. Around the era Long Thuy Thai Binh (1054-1058), the Prime Minister Duong Dao Gia invited bonze superior Cuu Chi to come and reside at the Dien Linh pagoda.3 Cuu Chi, who died in 1063, was frequently consulted by many royal dignitaries including the grand duke Phung Can,4 Uy Vu, Hi Tu, Thien Hue, the price Hien Minh, the general Vuong Tai, the greatest advisor Luong Nham Van, the great tutor Dao Su Trung, and the chief dignitary, Kieu Bong.

The bonze superior, Dai Xa (1120-1180), was highly esteemed by Prince Kien Vinh and Princess Thien Cuc. "The Defence Minister Phung Giang Tuong showed great respect for monk Quang Nghiem (1122-1190) whom he invited to come and reside at the Tinh Qua pagoda". The monk, Tri Thien, who lived during the Anh Tong and Cao Tong periods, was also considered a master by the official, To Hien Thanh, and advisor, Ngo Hoa Nghia.5

Owing to the support from kings and mandarins, Buddhism obtained an important social position. Its influence spread in every region of the country. In 1010, immediately after the transfer of the capital to Thang Long (present-day Hanoi), Ly Thai To ordered the building of a series of pagodas and promulgated a decree encouraging citizens to become monks. Following his order, pagodas and temples were built throughout the kingdom, even in remote regions. Previously, under the Dinh and Early Le dynasties, many pagodas were built in Thanh Hoa. Nevertheless, a series of new pagodas were built in that province, particularly following Ly Thuong Kiet’s nomination as its governor. To carry out the king’s exploration and exploitation policies in Nghe An province, many royal ministers, such as Ly Nhat Quang (Ly Thai To’s eighth son) and Luu Khanh Dam, came and governed that region and ordered the building of many pagodas.6 Surprisingly, under the Ly, pagodas were built in ethnic minority regions. For example, the Bao Ninh Sung Phuc pagoda was built about 1107 in the Vi Long mountainous district (Ha Tuyen), in a region inhabited by the Tay ethnic minority.

The campaign to fill these new pagodas was no less active. In 1014, the King approved the chief monk Tham Van Uyen’s report asking to set a fasting altar in the Van Tue pagoda in Thang Long citadel to train followers. Two years later, in 1016, more than a thousand Thang Long inhabitants were promoted to be Buddhist instructors. In 1019, Ly Thai To signed another decree encouraging the people in the entire country to become monks. The number of Buddhist followers consequently increased. Thien Uyen Tap Anh gives some indication of the number of followers in the pagodas. For example, the monk Da Bao is said to have had more than one hundred followers in his Kien So pagoda located in Phu Dong, Hanoi. During the mid-11th century in the Trung Minh pagoda located on Thien Phuc mountain (Tien Son, Ha Bac) where Thien Lao was the resident monk, "There were more than a thousand believers who transformed his pagoda into an animated Buddhist gathering." The monk Nguyen Hoc (died 1175) had more than one hundred followers in his Quang Bao pagoda (Ha Bac). Monk Dao Hue (died 1172) had more than one thousand followers in his Quang Minh pagoda. And in the Thanh Tuoc pagoda located on Du Hy mountain (Ha Bac), where the monk Tri Bao (died 1190) cloistered, follower-inhabitants were so numerous that the pagoda "seemed to be a market."

In order to feed such great numbers, pagodas under the Ly, controlled rice fields, many of which were royal donations of public land. There were other royal donations, as well. According to the stele in the Van Phuc pagoda (present-day Phat Tich pagoda in Tien Son, Ha Bac) in the fourth year of Long Thuy Thai Binh era (1057), the King ordered the construction of more than one hundred rice fields. The stele in the Bao An pagoda (Me Linh, Hanoi), erected in 1209, mentions that a man with the family name Nguyen granted to the pagoda many rice fields: "On all 126 acres, rice was grown to make rice-cakes to feed monks, three acres were given to pagoda keepers, and the remaining part was given to the inhabitants for pagoda festivities, and for alms to forsaken spirits".7 The inscription on the bell in the Than Quang pagoda (today’s Keo pagoda in Vu Thu, Thai Binh) estimates in all the Ly kings offered pagodas 1,371 Vietnamese acres.

Pagoda rice fields were primarily farmed by sharecroppers. Some pagodas under the Ly even used slaves in their fields. Dai Viet Su Ky Toan Thu mentions that, "Pagodas had slaves and wealth stored in warehouses."8 A certain number of monks were provided by the Ly with "thuc ho," meaning that those people were allowed to charge rent and tax peasants. For example, according to Thien Uyen Tap Anh, the monk Man Giac residing in the Giao Nguyen pagoda in the Thang Long citadel was allowed by the Ly to tax the wealth of 50 families. After the monk Khong Lo’s death (1119), the Ly Emperor signed a decree permitting pagoda expansion and exempting 20 families from rent and taxes which could be used to make ceremonial offerings. Both Dai Vet Su Ky Toan Thu and Thien Uyen Tap Anh tell of monk Minh Khong, who after having successfully cured the King Ly Than Tong, was allowed to charge rent and tax two hundred families and was exempted from having to pay rent and taxes himself.9

Due to the possession by pagodas of many rice fields, lands and wealth, in 1088, King Ly Nhan Tong authorized high-ranking officials to function as "de cu," i.e., pagoda wealth-managers 10. In short, under the Ly, the economic influence of pagodas further strengthened Buddhism’s position in Vietnamese society.

The Ly also maintained the hierarchic system of Buddhism that had existed under the Dinh and Early Le, a system comprised of chief monks and common monks. Their functions were divided into two degrees: left side chief monks and right side chief monks; left side common monks and right side common monks.11 A certain number of monks commanding great prestige were promoted to state advisors by the kings. And many State advisors performed the chief monk function as the monk Vien Thong (1080-1151). There were also many chief monks who were not state advisors, as the monk Khanh Hy (l067-1142) and many state advisors, who failed to work as chief monks, as the monk Minh Khong (1099-1174). In many regions, a certain number of monks were appointed to look after Buddhist affairs in the region. For example, the texts of a stele in the Sung Nghiem Dien Thanh Pagoda, erected in 1118, and a stele in the Linh Xung pagoda, erected in l126, describe that, while monk Phap Bao stayed in the Phuc Dien Tu Thanh pagoda (Thanh Hoa), he was also in charge of common religious affairs in the district of Cuu Chan, Thanh Hoa.

Although these words refer to national policy, they reflect no more than a general view. Indeed, as was the situation of Buddhism at the time, the doctrine’s belief in benevolence more or less influenced royal policies, as has been amply recorded in ancient historical records. The Buddhist spirit during the Ly period was manifested through Buddhist activities as well as through its celebrations, both of which created unique cultural characteristics. Festivities were often held for the inauguration of new pagodas and towers. Large Buddhist functions were organized by the kings, as many pages in history refer to those Ly festivities. For example, in 1118, the Festival of the Thousand Buddhas was held for the Thang Nghiem Thanh Tho pagoda’s inauguration. In 1119, a celebration took place to mark the completion of the Tinh Lu pagoda. In 1123, an inauguration festival was held for the Phung Tu pagoda and another for the Quang Giao pagoda in Tien Du. In 1121 a ceremony for the inauguration of the Sung Thien Dien Linh Tower in Doi Son (Doi mountain) was held.13 In 1127, the Trung Hung Dien Tho pagoda was inaugurated.

Festivals existed during the construction of pagodas and statuary, as well as the casting of bells. Historical records reveal that in 1036 the Long Tri Festival commemorated the erection of the Buddha Dai Nguyen statue. In 1040 during the La Han Festival, more than a thousand statues and paintings of Buddha and ten thousand gonfalons were inaugurated. Festivals were also organized to encourage people to join the monkhood as Dai Viet Su Ky Toan Thu reports occurred in Nghenh Tien Duong. These Buddhist festivals were organized both by kings and common folk.

After having transferred his capital to Thang Long, Ly Thai To ordered the construction of the Tran Phuc prayer repository. In 1018, once again, Ly Thai To sent Nguyen Dao Thanh15 and Pham Hac to ask the Song Emperor for the Tripitaka. Up to 1020, Nguyen Dao Thanh brought the prayers back to Guangzhou and was welcomed by the chief monk Phi Tri sent by Thai To. One year later, That To again ordered the construction of Bat Giac repository, to store the prayers obtained the year before. In 1023, the King ordered another Tripitaka copy to be kept in the Dai Hung repository. In 1027, Thai To again ordered a copy of the Tripitaka to be made.

In 1034, King Thai Tong ordered the construction of the Trung Hung prayer repository in the Trung Quang pagoda located on the Tien Du mountain. In the same year, Ha Thu and Do Khoan were sent as ambassadors to the Song Empire and were offered by the Song Emperor another Tripitaka prayer collection. Two years later, once again, Ly Thai Tong mandated another copy of the prayers to be kept in the newly built Trung Hung repository. Under King Ly Nhan Tong’s reign, as historic records show, ambassadors Luong Dung Luat in l081 and Nguyen Van Tin in 1098 made two trips to China seeking the Tripitaka from the Song Emperors.16

As a consequence of this activity, by the 11th century in Vietnam there were many printed or handwritten Tripitaka books. Those sutras were based on Song’s first printed Tripitaka and not the second version completed in 1176 known as Sung Ninh Van Tho Dai Tang. According to Thien Uyen Tap Anh, the sutras used under the Ly dynasty were variously called Phap Hoa, Vien Giac, Hoa Nghiem, Duoc Su, Kim Cuong, and etc. Dai Viet Su Luoc also related that in 1179, children of Buddhist dignitaries read the Prajna prayers.17 A certain number of Buddhist documents as Tuyet Dau Ngu Luc were also propagated. A certain number of generally used sutras were also printed. According to Thien Uyen Tap Anh, the monk Tin Hoc (died, 1190), born into a carver’s family, also printed sutras. Under the Ly, many monks wrote many important texts on Buddhist ideology, which include:

By the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th centuries, both the twelfth generation Wu Yantong monk Thuong Chieu and the monk Bien Tai belonging to the Vinitaruci sect came to cloister in the Van Tue pagoda in Thang Long, although the latter had been in the palace where Hue Sinh, belonging to the Vinitaruci sect, was the resident monk. Moreover, Khanh Hy, a well-known Vinitaruci sect monk under the Ly, once came and paid a Buddhist consultation visit to Bien Tai in the Van Tue pagoda. In front of Khanh Hy, Bien Tai praised Ban Tich, Khanh Hy’s master, as a proficient monk. Adding to the confusion, there were a number of similarities between the Vinitaruci and Wu Yantong sects in ideology and monastic training. Nevertheless, the former has a clearer propensity towards Tantrism. As mentioned in the previous chapter, this tendency developed under the Dinh and Early Le dynasties. In fact, until the Ly period, many monks of this sect practiced Tantrism. The most representative was bonze superior Tu Dao Hanh, a contemporary of Van Hanh.

Tu Dao Hanh’s biography was full of a series of mystic and strange stories as "commanding the sylphs, dancing with magic sticks, being reincarnated, escaping from the body...." This monk often caught forest snakes and wild animals and ordered them to come and be around him. He burnt his fingers to pray for rain, used magic water to cure diseases, all his work was magical.20 Similar to monk Ma Ha who lived during the Le period, Tu Dao Hanh’s training methods bore the character of Tantrism: "The monk came and lived as an hermit in the Fu Son mountain, recited Mahakarunahrdayadharani prayers every day one hundred and eight thousand times."21

Bonze superior Minh Khong, Dao Hanh’s disciple who also practiced Tantrism, was reputed for having cured King Than Tong with magic methods. Likewise, Thien Nham, a Minh Khong contemporary, was a Tantrist who fully consecrated himself to studying the ‘Tong Tri Dalani’ prayers, learning them by heart without missing a word. Bonze superior Gioi Khong who belonged to the fifteenth Vinitaruci generation was reputed to have commanded angels and demons, to have tamed wild beasts, and to have used magic water to cure diseases.22 His disciple, a monk named Tri Thien, was recognized as a master by the high ranking dignitary To Hien Thanh, and once compelled a tiger to bow before him on the Tu Son mountain.

In his litany, Ly Thai Tong had presented the conception of the void (Sunyata) according to the Madhyamika sect.23 Hue Sinh’s answer to the king with respect to this issue was:

Do not say whether they exist or not.24

That will conform to Buddhist truth.25

He must sit quiet and smiling.26

Based on historical evidence, the Wu Yantong Buddhist sect was founded in Vietnam in the ninth century. When he was in China, Wu Yantong was the monk Bach Truong Hoai Hai’s (Bai Zhang Huaihai’s) disciple and the monk Nguong Son Tue Tich’s master.29 The Wu Yantong Buddhist sect has its origins in Hui Neng’s southern China sect (Linji).

According to Hui Neng’s disciples, only the southern sect was orthodox. Hui Neng handed his mantle to Nam Nhac Hoai Nhuong who passed it to Ma To Dao Nhat. The latter did the same with Bach Truong Hoai Hai, who was Wu Yantong’s master. Hoai Nhuong set up the Cao Qi sect and was the founder of Buddhism in the south.30

"Not to be" is "not to be" was a concept developed in the Mahaprajnaranita - sastra, a fundamental work of the Madhyamika Sect.32 As is mentioned above, King Ly Thai Tong of the seventh generation of the Wu Yantong sect had once said: "You are nothing, I am nothing too". The monk Dao Hue (died in 1172) of the ninth generation wrote a litany on the "nothingness" point of view:

Why pay attention to them?33

All the phap take their origin from one’s character, all the phap take their origin from the Heart. The Heart and the phap are one and not two. Ties and griefs, all are nothing. Sin, happiness, right and wrong things, all are nothing. Nothing is not the effect, nothing is not the cause. One must not separate revenge from Karma or must not separate Karma from revenge. Any separation would mean no possibility of existence. Although he pretends to see all phap, he sees nothing. The origin is to know that all phap lie in the predestined affinities and the source is to know that all phap lie in real truth.34

Although living among the genuine realities,35 one must know that the universe is in perpetual evolution. Oneself as a living being belongs to a single religion and not two. One must not live away from Karma, for that is a master means for doing good things. In the universe of life and death evolution, using only the phap of that universe without any distinction from the ‘no life no death’ universe36 would mean to break off with his conception of "Oneself". At the end, bonze superior Cuu Chi summarized with the following litany:

One hundred years after Cuu Chi,37 the monk Nguyen Hoc (died in 1075) belonging to the tenth generation, composed also a litany about the heart which comprised some lines repeating many of Cuu Chi’s thoughts:

Regarding the Heart as Buddha’s nature originates from Chinese Buddhism before Hui Neng with its basis on the Lankavatara-sutra. Those prayers asserted that the Heart, or alayavijnana, was Tathagatagarbha or ‘The Buddha’s nature’.39

We know that seeking Buddha’s nature in the heart is the fundamental principle of Buddhism. From the "all the Buddhist characters come from the heart" conception, as the bonze superior Cuu Chi said, monks of the Wu Yantong sect, as well as a certain number of the monks of the Vinitaruci sect, paid particular attention to what was called Tathata (invariable truth). It was called by different names, such as "True physiognomy Buddhist nature miraculous substance ... is considered as the universal inner substance, is hidden in every phap of the phenomenal universe and lasts forever unchanging.40

An apricot branch stayed on.41

Thus the nature of nullity or the invariable truth is also nullity. The monk Bao Giac (died 1173)42 deals with this problem in the following litany:

A sounding cry cools down the sky.45

The monk Giac Hai, Khong Lo’s disciple, was shown to have been influenced by Tantrism with the mention of his magical practices related in Thien Uyen Tap Anh. This same book, however, reports that Khong Lo and Giac Hai both belonged to the Thao Duong sect.46

The philosophies of Laozi and Zhuangzi also had some influence over the Wu Yantong sect under the Ly. The way of presenting the Invariable Truth or the marvelous nature of the monks of this sect closely resembled Zhuangzi’s and Laozi’s way of presenting the Tao. Even the words ‘hy di’ (meaning invisible) were borrowed from them. In Laozi, "The Tao is looked at but not seen—that is why it is called di ("invisible"); listened to but not heard—that is why it is called hy ("voiceless")"47.

Idleness is the morality of the free.48

Many monks of the Wu Yantong sect were keenly interested in elaborating the history of the various Buddhist sects in Vietnam. The originator of such work was monk Thong Bien (died 1134), belonging to the eighth generation of this sect. He originally had the name Tri Khong, and was imperial preceptor Vien Chieu’s disciple. Thanks to his broad and in-depth knowledge of Buddhist history, he could answer the Queen Mother Linh Nhan’s questions on the origins of different orders and sects and was thus bestowed with one of the ten titles of a Buddha, the ‘Great teacher Thong Bien’. Historic documents on the orders and sects elaborated by Thong Bien were later rewritten by his disciple Bien Tai as Chieu Doi Luc. This work was passed down to the twelfth generation monk Thuong Chieu (died 1203) who further elaborated the text in turn calling his version Nam Tong Tu Phap Do. This book contains diagrams49 representing different generations of the various Buddhist sects in Vietnam.

Praising Tham Nghi for his faithful dedication to him, Thuong Chieu gave his disciple Thong Bien’s Chieu Doi Luc that explains the various phap (dharma) of all the Vietnamese Buddhist sects. After having read the text, Than Nghi wondered why the sects led by monks Nguyen (or Ly?) Dai Dien and Nguyen (or Ly?) Bat Nha did not appear. Thuong Chieu explained that Thong Bien must have omitted them on purpose. The reason may be that according to Thien Uyen Tap Anh, monk Bat Nha’s sect belonged to the Thao Duong sect. Some time later, Than Nghi himself passed various documents onto his student, monk An Khong, also known as great monk Na Ngan. Thien Uyen Tap Anh, which was largely compiled during the later Tran period50, is a valuable document for the study of Buddhism under the Ly. Its compilation was gradually completed by monks in the Wu Yantong sect above.

Cao Hung Trung’s book An Nam Chi relates: "The monk Thao Duong was a very virtuous man who knew Buddhist classics perfectly. The Ly emperor honored him as a master. Afterward, he died in a quiet sitting position."53

After succeeding to the throne in 1031, Ly Thai Tong financed the construction of 150 village pagodas. In 1041, he built the Tu Thi Thien Phuc monastery in Tien Du Mountain and in 1049, he erected the Dien Huu pagoda, better known as the Chua Mot Cot or One-Pillar Pagoda, in Thang Long55. In l056, during the reign of Ly Thai Tong, the Sung Khanh Bao Thien pagoda (known as the Bao Thien pagoda) was built on the site where the Hanoi Cathedral stands today. In l057, the Thien Phuc and Thien Tho pagodas and the Dai Thang Tu Thien tower in Sung Khanh Bao Thien pagoda. In 1058, Do Son tower was built and at that time it was named Tuong Long. In l059, the Sung Nghiem Bao Duc pagoda was built on the Tien Du mountain. In l070, the Nhi Thien Vuong pagoda was built in Thang Long.

Under the reign of King Ly Nhan Tong, scores of pagodas and temples were erected throughout the country. The king’s mother, Linh Nhan, is credited with ordering the construction of over 100 pagodas. In 1086, the construction of the Canh Long Dong Khanh pagoda began in Lam Son56 mountain and was completed in 1094. The tower of this pagoda was finished in 1088. In 1099 a pagoda was built in the An Lao mountain, and in 1100 the Vinh Phuc pagoda was built on the Tien Du mountain. In 1105, the One Pillar Pagoda was enlarged and two towers were added. That same year, three more towers were built on to the Lam Son pagoda. In 1108, the Van Phong Thanh Thien tower came under construction on the Chuong Son mountain57 and was finished in 1117.

While the distinctive architecture of Ly pagodas and towers has been gradually destroyed over time, scattered ruins and epigraphical vestiges give us some sense of its scale and special characteristics. An archeological excavation carried out in 1972-73 at the Lang (Vien Giac) Pagoda in the Minh Hai commune, My Van district, Hai Hung province, uncovered a significant segment of the foundation of a pagoda built around 1115 during the Ly. Nearly square in shape, the foundation comprises three floors, the first 20.2 x 23.6 meters, the second 15.2 x l8.8 and the third 8.2 x 10.4 meters. The third floor served as an altar, the remains of which include Buddha statues and statues of lions holding aloft the Buddha’s throne poised atop a stone platform58. The three story square pagoda had four doors each facing a cardinal direction, a special feature which seems characteristic of Ly architecture.

During the Ly dynasty, the pagoda and tower architecture was symmetrical and parallel, with all structures constructed around a central axis. Also popular were many-storied towers. For example, the Dai Thang Tu Thien Tower of the Bao Thien pagoda constructed in Thang Long was twelve stories high62. The Sung Thien Dien Linh tower in the Doi pagoda (Ha Nam Ninh) was thirteen stories high. The Chieu An tower at the Linh Xung pagoda (Thanh Hoa) was nine stories high. The tower at the Phat Tich pagoda (Ha Bac) was ten stories high and 8.5 meters wide on each side. The Van Phong Thanh Thien tower in Chuong Son was built on a pedestal nineteen meters wide, and much higher than the Phat Tich tower63.

Pagodas and towers during the Ly reign were decorated with spherical statues and beautiful bas-reliefs carved in stone. The statues include representations of elephants, lions, buffaloes, horses, rhinos (i.e., in the Phat Tich pagoda in Ha Bac), crocodiles (i.e., in the Lang Pagoda in Hai Hung and Hanoi’s Ba Tam pagoda), and divine birds such as dancing and singing fays (i.e. at the Chuong Son and Phat Tich pagodas). Decorative designs of lotus leaves and waves are found carved in stone on the floor and the pagoda walls are often covered with pictures. For example, the walls of the Linh Xung pagoda were reputedly, "painted with beautiful scenery, Buddhist images, ever-changing forms and uncountable pictographic designs"64. On the walls Of the Sung Nghiem Dien Thanh pagoda, "There were paintings suggesting the principle of karma and laws of cause and effect, and depictions of thousands of fantastic and illusory transformations"65.

Ly Dynasty art complemented the beauty of Buddhist architecture, and Ly Dynasty Buddhism in turn shaped the distinctive spirit of Ly Dynasty art. Statues erected within pagodas and towers can be analyzed to illuminate important aspects of art and Buddhism under the Ly. Three stone statues from the Ly period remain today. The first can be found in the Phat Tich pagoda in Ha Bac, the second at the Mot Mai pagoda66 in Ha Son Binh, and the third at the Ngo Xa pagoda in Ha Nam Ninh. The Phat Tich Statue, the most beautiful, stands 1.87 meters high, 2.77 with the pedestal included. According to epigraphic evidence, the statue was completed in 1057. While some scholars identify the statue as a representation of the Buddha Amitabha, others disagree.

The existence of Pure Land beliefs and a belief in Amitabha, can also be seen in the inscription on the Sung Thien Dien Linh tower at the Doi pagoda in Ha Nam Ninh. The inscription on the tower recalled the Amitabha statue erected during the Quang Chieu lantern festival in front of the Dai Hung gate of Thang Long. It also expresses hope that Queen Linh Nhan "will have a pure and contented soul after death." The inscription on the stele of the Vien Quang pagoda (constructed in 1122) related that the statue of Amitabha could be found in the middle compartment beside the statue of Bodhidharma. The final sentence of the inscription said, "Amitabha sits in the middle and Bodhidarma sits behind him"67.

Buddha Maitreya was also worshipped during the Ly. According to the Dai Vet Su Ky Toan Thu, in 1041, King Ly Thai Tong "went to the Tien Du mountain to watch the construction of the Tu Thi Thien Phuc monastery. Upon returning to the capital, he ordered 7,560 kilograms of copper to be used to sculpt statues of the Buddha Maitreya and two other Bodhisattvas (Hai Thanh and Cong Duc) and to cast a bell for use in the monastery"68. As Tu Thi is often considered another name for Buddha Maitreya, the Tu Thi Thien Phuc monastery perhaps served as a pagoda to worship this Bodhisattva69. The inscription on the stele found at the Quynh Lam pagoda in Quang Ninh also told of the erection of a large Buddha Maitreya statue.

In Ly pagodas. Buddha Maitreya was worshipped as a future Buddha together with a past Buddha and a Buddha of the present, making a triad of three generations. The inscription on a stele erected in 1118 at the Sung Nghiem Dien Thanh pagoda in Thanh Hoa described the statue in the pagoda as follows, "In the middle sits Sakyamuni70, the Buddha of the present, at one side sits Kasyapa71, the Buddha of the solemn and glorious past and at the other sits Buddha Maitreya, the Buddha of the brilliant future72." In the Sung Nghiem Dien Thanh pagoda, three beautiful stone pedestals remain to this day. Resembling one another, they have the form of lions carrying Buddha thrones. They date from the Ly. It is possible that at one time, these pedestals held aloft the three generations of Buddhas, Sakyamuni, Kasyapa and Maitreya.

Another Buddha, the Da Bao Nhu Lai, was also worshipped during the Ly. An inscription on a stele found at Sung Thien Dien Linh tower notes his name twice. It mentions that a Da Bao Nhu Lai statue was erected atop a golden mountain before the Dai Hung gate of Thang Long. It also refers to a Da Bao Nhu Lai statue erected among statues of the eight "wise generals." Da Bao Nhu Lai was often associated with the Saddharmapudarika sutra73, a sutra known to be popular at that time74.

Other Ly steles note the existence of statues of Buddhist guardians such as the ones just mentioned above. Statues of arhats were also widespread during the Ly. One arhat, Pindola Bharadvaja, was worshipped at a separate altar in the Doi pagoda and was referred to in the Sung Thien Dien Linh tower inscription as the "Tan Dau chief monk". Statues of the four Heavenly Kings, Brahma and Indra also seem to have been popular during the Ly75.

In short, it appears that many different Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and Heavenly Kings were worshipped in pagodas during the Ly. The quantity of Ly statuary however, seems small as compared with succeeding dynasties. Based on information culled from Ly steles, there were not many statues cast during this period and those that were tended to differ from one another in design, decoration, and positioning within the pagoda. Moreover, Ly pagodas did not contain altars embellished with ordered series of statues as found today.

Based on the names given to Ly pagodas such as the Four Great Heavenly Kings Pagoda, Two Heavenly Kings Pagoda, The Maitreya Heavenly Happiness Pagoda, it seems likely that some pagodas were built for the worship of a particular number of Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and Heavenly Kings. Other pagodas such as the Bao Thien pagoda in Thang Long, served as places to pray for good weather. During such prayers, a procession was organized and a statue of Phap Van was carried from the Dau pagoda to the Bao Thien pagoda. This suggests a certain overlapping of Buddhist and popular local beliefs76.

————

2 Literature under Ly, Tran’s Reigns, Book 1, Hanoi, 1977, p.362.

2 This pagoda is located at Ba Son mountain, i.e. Tien Son, Ha Bac.

3 I.e., Doi pagoda, Duy Tien district, Ha Nam Ninh.

4 I.e., Ly Nhat Trung, King Ly Thai Tong’s son.

5 Sentences in quotation marks are excerpts from Thien Uyen Tap Anh (TUTA).

6 . In Nghi Xuan district, Nghe Tinh, archaeologists have found the vestiges of pagodas and towers built under the Ly, near the temple dedicated to Ly Nhat Quang.

7 Literature under Ly, Tran’s Reigns, op.cit., p. 545.

8 Dai Viet Su Ky Toan Thu (DVSKTT), ban ky, Bk.3, p. 39b; TUTA, lower book.

9 Id., p. 12a.

10 DVSKTT mentioned the chief monk Tham Van Uyen in 1014. TUTA related that the monk Hue Sinh (died 1063) had been promoted chief monk from an assistant chief monk; the monk Vien Thong being promoted assistant chief monk in 1130, then chief monk in 1143.

11TUTA, lower book.

12According to DVSKTT and Viet Su Luoc (VSL) it was in 1122; according to the stele in Sung Thien Dien Linh tower, it was in 1121.

13 Literature under Ly, Tran’s Reigns, op.cit., p. 40.

14DVSKTT, book 2. p. 8b, says Nguyen Dao Thanh while VSL (book 2, p.3b) says Nguyen Thanh Dao.

15 These two trips are recorded in VSL.

16 VSL, bk. 3, p. 10.

17 In this generation, Thien Ong did not survive until Ly’s reign; meanwhile Sung Pham, whose birthday and death-day remained doubtful as mentioned in the previous chapter, did live under the Ly reign. He was a teacher of the monk Tri Bat; the latter was born only in l049.

18 According to TUTA, Thuan Chau was in the same generation with Tri Bat, and always TUTA recorded that Thuan Chau together with two others, namely Tinh Hanh and Phap Nhon, were disciples of Tri Bat.

19 TUTA.

20 Id.

21. Id.

22 Id.

23 I.e. Madhyamika.

24 Based on the Vietnamese translation reported to be by the monk Huyen Qang under the Tran dynasty. See Literature under Ly, Tran’s...., op.cit., p. 345.

25 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Hoa Bang, id., p. 353.

26 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Nguyen Duc Van and Dao Phuong Binh, id., p. 340.

27 TUTA recorded that the monk Quang Nghiem (eventh generation) is a disciple of the monk Tri Thien who cloistered in Phuc Thanh pagoda, but the name of Tri Thien did not appear in the tenth generation. It must be that Tri Thien mentioned here is not Tri Thien who belonged to the Vinitaruci sect and cloistered at Phu Mon pagoda. Maybe TUTA had wrongly recorded the monk Thien Tri instead of Tri Thien. Thien Tri is another name of the monk Minh Tri (tenth generation) also cloistering at Phuc Thanh pagoda.

28 In fact, Ung Vuong had been monk under the Tran reign. See next chapter.

29 Tue Tich would later be the founder of the Chan sect Qui Nguong.

30 Besides the Tao Khe sect, there was the Thanh Nguyen sect that began with the monk Hanh Tu. In the second half of nineth century, Tao Khe sect was split into Lam Te and Qui Nguong sects. By the end of nineth century, Lam Te sect was split into Hoang Long, Duong Ky sect. And Thanh Nguyen sect also split into Tao Dong, Van Mon and Phap Nhan sects.

31 The Sino-Vietnamese word ao must be rightly pronounced as huyen. But in this text, we keep its traditional use as ao.

32 Mahaprajnparamita-sastra explained the concept of "not to be is not to be" as follows: "Every phap is nothing" Thus the "not to be" is also nothing, so not to be is not to be".

33 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Ngo Tat To. See Literature under Ly, Tran..., op.cit, p. 445.

34 I.e., invariable truth.

35 "Reality" here is to be understood as "true physiognomy" ["true face’].

36 The opposition between the phenomenal universe on one side and the void universe on the other.

37 We do not know exactly the year when the monk Cuu Chi died, except only that he died around the Chuong Thanh Gia Khanh era (1059-1066).

38 Someone translated this sentence as "no speech could be compared with the Vo Dac", considering Vo Dac as a method of meditation not aiming at enlightenment (Nguyen Lang, Viet Nam Phat Giao Su Luan, book l, Ed. La Boi. Saigon, 1974,p. p.7-168).

39 This point of view is that of the Lankavatara-sutra version by Gunabhadra, the 4-volume version. There is some difference in the ten-volume. version. It is to be noted that the four-volume version was rather popular in Vietnam. The monk Phap Loa (Tran dynasty) wrote a book called Explaining the four-volume Lankavatara-sutra.

40 Thus the concept of ‘Tathata’ had its roots in the Yogacara sect. The Chinese book Weishi lun (On Yogacara) explained: "Truth is not the wrong, it is the eternal. So it can be considered as invariable truth".

41 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Ngo Tat To, Literature under Ly, Tran..., op.cit., p. 299.

42 TUTA did not record the monk Bao Giac in a separate story. However, as he was the teacher of Tinh Gioi (tenth generation) belonging to the Wu Yantong sect, we can guess he belonged to the 9th generation.

43 See explication below in the text for the words "invisible" and "voiceless."

44 I.e., the invariable truth.

45 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Kieu Thu Hoach, Literature under Ly Tran...,op.cit., p. 385.

46 According to TUTA, upper book, both Khong Lo and Giac Hai were the monk Ha Trach’s disciples; but afterwards, Giac Hai became Khong Lo’s disciple, so he belonged to the tenth generation. while Khong Lo to the 9th one. Surprisingly TUTA, lower book, recorded that Khong Lo and Giac Hai both belonged to the second generation of the Thao Duong sect and both were Ngo Xa’s disciples.

47 Laozi, chapter 14.

48 Based on the Vietnamese translation by Pham Tu Chau and Hoang Le, Literature under Ly, Tran...,op.cit., p. 554. ‘

49We don’t find the genealogy of Buddhist generations under the Ly reign, but the genealogy of the Tran reign ("Luoc dan thien phai do" in Tue Trung Thuong Si Ngu Luc) and the inscriptions on the stele in the Vien Thong tower at Thanh Mai allow us to figure out the genealogy of that time.

510 The taboo words under the Tran reign are still used in this text.

51Those monks looked after the Buddhist affairs under the chief monk’s direction.

52 See An Nam Chi Luoc, bk.14, ‘Phuong ngoai".

53 An Nam Chi, Tien Thich.

54 Surely Do Anh Vu (1114 - 1159) as related in the Viet Su Luoc and DVSKTT.

55According to the DVKTT, book 2,37a. But according to VSL (book 2, 19b) that pagoda was built in 1101, i.e., 52 years afterwards.

56 It’s the Giam pagoda located in the Giam mountain, in Nam Son village, Que Vo district, today Ha Bac province.

57 That mountain is now called Ngo Xa mountain situated in Yen Loi village, Y Yen district, Ha Nam Ninh province.

58 Nguyen Duy Hinh: "Considering the architecture of the Lang pagoda (Hai Hung)," Archaeology Review No. 2, 1977, p. 76-87.

59 DVSKTT. book 2, p. 37a.

60 id, book 3, p.15a

61 Literature under Ly, Tran’s Reigns, p.405.

62 Twelve-storeyed according to DVSKTT, while 20-storeyed according to VSL.

63 Cao Xuan Pho, "The Chuong Son tower during the Ly’s reign", Archaeology Review No. 5, 1970. p. 48-63.

64 Epigraph on the stele Linh Xung, Literature under Ly, Tran’s Reigns, op. cit, p.363.

65 Epigraph on the stele of the Sung Nghiem Dien Thanh pagoda (Hau Loc, Thanh Hoa), Literature under Ly Tran’s Reign, op.cit., p. 376.

66 That pagoda had another name: The Hoang Kim pagoda located in the Hoang Ngo commune, Quoc Oai district, Ha Son Binh province.

67 See the epigraph on the stele of the Vien Quang pagoda in Literature under Ly Tran’s Reign., op.cit, p. 450-457.

68 DVSKTT, book 2, p 29h.

69 Di Lac is a transcription from the Sanscrit word ‘Maitreya’ while ‘Tu Thi’ is its meaning.

70 Hien Kiep means present life.

71 Ca Diep (Kasyapa) refers here to one of seven Buddhas representing the Past and not to Sakyamuni’s disciple (also named Kasyapa).

72 Duong lai means future; Tu Thi means Maitreya

73 The "Kien Bao Thap Pham" in Dieu Phap Lien Hoa related that in the East, there was a country name Bao Tinh where the Buddha Da Bao lived. When he was just a Bodhitsattva, he made a great vow. It was that after becoming Buddha and entering Nirvana, his tower would appear to hear the prayer anywhere the Lotus sutra was preached

74 His name, Da Bao, was found carved on a broken piece of a prayers column erected at Hoa Lu since the Dinh’s reign.

75 According to the epigraph on the stele of the Dien Phuc pagoda in the Co Viet hamlet in Hai Hung written by 1157.

76 The DVSKTT related that in 1057, "Two pagodas called Thien Phuc and Thien Tho were built and two statues of Brahma and Indra were moulded for worship," (book 3, p. 2a). And in 1134, two other pagodas, Thien Ninh and Thien Thanh, were constructed and Indra’s statue was repainted (op.cit., book 3, page 13a).